Former Agriculture Cabinet Secretary Mithika Linturi has declared his intention to contest for the Meru County Governor seat in the 2027 General Election.
In a statement on Thursday, February 26, Linturi said he made the decision after conducting public participation forums across the county.
Linturi noted that he had listened to the appeals from residents who have urged him to vie for the seat in next year’s election.
“Having conducted public participation across the entire Meru County, having listened to the People of Meru across the 9 constituencies, both on the ground and through the TV stations and radios, where the people of Meru have been calling on me to come back and contest for the Meru Gubernatorial seat, I have agreed.
“I will be offering myself to you, great people of Meru, to ask you to support me to be the Governor of Meru come 2027,” said Linturi.
This will be the second time Linturi is vying for the Meru governorship. He first ran for the seat in the 2022 general election on a UDA ticket but lost to Kawira Mwangaza.
Mwangaza garnered 209,148 votes, with Linturi coming in second with 183,859 votes. Former Meru governor Kiraitu Murungu came in third place with 110,814 votes.
Following the loss, Linturi was appointed by President William to be the Agriculture CS. Linturi served in the position until July 2024, when the Head of State dismissed the entire cabinet.
The former Meru Senator did not make a comeback after President Ruto reconstituted his cabinet.
On May 14, 2025, Linturi resigned from the ruling United Democratic Alliance (UDA) and formally notified the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties of his decision.
“I have today formally tendered my official resignation as a founding member of the United Democratic Alliance to the party’s Secretary General, with immediate effect.
“I have duly notified the Registrar of Political Parties of my decision to resign from the party,” he announced.
Linturi then joined Rigathi Gachagua’s DCP party and was given the National Organizing Secretary role.
Siaya County Information Management Officer Richard Odhiambo has been suspended over alleged derogatory remarks made against Governor James Orengo.
According to a show cause letter addressed to Odhiambo, the suspension follows an incident said to have occurred on Wednesday, February 25, during a public political event in Kisumu County.
“This office is notified of an incident during a public political activity within Kisumu County on the 25th day of February 2026 at which you uttered unsavory, derogatory, insulting and disrespectful remarks in reference to the person of H.E James Orengo, the Governor Siaya County,” the letter read.
The letter further outlined the specific legal and policy provisions the officer is accused of breaching.
“Your actions in this regard amount to gross misconduct, inconceivable insubordination, and flagrant breach of Section 16 of Public Officer Ethics Act, Section 4.6 (c) and (d) of the Public Service Disciplinary Manual, 2022 as well as Section J.7 and J.18, of the Public Service Human Resource Policies and Procedures Manual, 2016,” the letter added.
The county also communicated its decision to suspend the officer pending further disciplinary action.
“Consequently, and in line with the provisions of Section 44 (4) (d) of the Employment Act, you are hereby SUSPENDED from duty with immediate effect, pending further processing and determination of your matter,” the letter continued.
The officer has been instructed to return any government property in his possession as part of the suspension process.
“You are therefore directed to hand over any County Government property within your custody to the undersigned immediately,” the letter directed.
File image of James Orengo
Additionally, the county has given the officer a timeline to respond to the allegations and explain why further action should not be taken against him.
“Further, you are required to show cause within seven (7) days henceforth, why further disciplinary action, including dismissal from service, should not be instituted against you,” the letter stated.
The letter warns that failure to respond within the stipulated period will lead to the matter being concluded without his input.
“Should you fail to submit a written response within this period, the matter will be processed and finalized without further reference to you, guided by applicable statutes and law,” the letter concluded.
A massive fire broke out in Kangemi on Wednesday evening, destroying homes and property worth millions of shillings and leaving more than 300 residents affected.
The Kenya Red Cross confirmed that the blaze occurred along Marega Road in the Bata area on February 26.
Emergency teams were dispatched to the scene as the inferno spread rapidly through the densely populated neighbourhood.
“Incident Update. A fire outbreak has been reported along Marega Road (Bata area) in Kangemi. Emergency response teams have been notified and are on their way to the scene,” the Kenya Red Cross said in a statement.
Photos and videos circulating online showed towering flames engulfing one residential building before spreading to adjacent structures.
Preliminary reports indicate the fire may have been triggered by a gas explosion, although authorities have yet to confirm the exact cause.
Neighbours and bystanders watched from a distance as the flames intensified, with some making urgent calls to security agencies.
The narrow access roads and close proximity of houses appeared to complicate firefighting efforts.
Police officers and emergency responders were deployed to assist with evacuation and to contain the fire before it could spread further.
As of press time, there were no confirmed reports of fatalities or injuries.
Security agencies have launched investigations to establish the cause of the inferno.
Under Kenya’s disaster management framework and public safety regulations, authorities are required to conduct prompt assessments to determine liability and recommend safety measures.
Detectives from the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) have arrested 33-year-old Festus Arasa Omwamba in connection with operating a human trafficking syndicate.
In an update on Wednesday February 25, DCI said the suspect was nabbed by detectives based at Moyale Police Station.
The 33-year-old has been on the police radar over alleged involvement in trafficking vulnerable individuals out of the country.
According to the DCI, Omwamba is part of the syndicate targeting unsuspecting job seekers with offers of legitimate employment opportunities in European countries.
However, upon arrival, the victims find themselves trapped in illegal and hazardous working conditions.
“Festus is believed to be a key player in a more extensive human trafficking syndicate that exploits vulnerable individuals by promising them legitimate employment opportunities in European countries.
“However, upon arrival, these unsuspecting victims find themselves trapped in illegal and perilous jobs, stripping them of their dignity and safety,” DCI stated.
The suspect is currently in police custody, undergoing processing in preparation for his impending arraignment.
“This arrest underscores the Directorate of Criminal Investigations’ commitment to relentlessly pursue human traffickers and dismantle criminal networks that prey on vulnerable victims under the guise of legitimate opportunities,” DCI added.
Voting in the Evurore Ward by-election kicked off amid early drama after former Public Service Cabinet Secretary Justin Muturi clashed with an electoral official at a polling station in Mbeere North.
Muturi was casting his ballot at Kanyuambora Primary School when a brief confrontation erupted between him and a staff member from the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC).
The incident occurred shortly after he had voted and as his finger was being marked with ink, a standard procedure meant to prevent double voting.
According to those present at the polling station, the disagreement arose during the marking process.
Muturi appeared visibly frustrated as he addressed the staff member, insisting he had already given clear instructions and would not repeat the voting process.
“I’ll not vote again; I told you, ‘just mark’. I mean, what is wrong with you? You can even put a mark on my face,” he said.
Notably, this comes months after Muturi clashed with Leonard Wa Muthende’s agent, Thuku Kiruga, during the Mbeere North parliamentary seat by-election.
The confrontation arose after Muturi objected to Kiruga wearing a yellow jacket, arguing that the colour represented the UDA party.
Muturi and other supporters of the Democratic Party of Kenya (DP) then kicked Kiruga out of the hall.
During the incident, Muturi also attacked a local who was accompanying Wa Muthende’s agent.
Speaking after the incident, Muturi said it was against the law for Kiragu to be at a polling center while donning UDA party colors.
“What we have told him is you can’t come to the polling area when you are donning party colors. If he is an authorized agent or observer, he must come wearing other kinds of clothes, not party colors,” he said.
The DP party leader said he kicked out Kiragu after the presiding officer at the station failed to take any action against him.
Further, Muturi said other polling centers he has visited in Mbeere North were okay.
“Other stations which I have visited are okay, we have not seen this kind of thing,” he added.
The Africa Cup of Nations schedule is a major reason why Manchester United did not try to sign Victor Osimhen, according to the club’s former first-team coach Benni McCarthy.
Nigeria striker Osimhen attracted attention from Europe’s elite sides after scoring 26 league goals in 2022-23 to help fire Napoli to a first Italian title in 33 years.
McCarthy, who at the time was part of the Old Trafford staff under then manager Erik ten Hag, has revealed he played a role in the recruitment of strikers and thought Osimhen would “fit perfect” with the Red Devils.
But the biennial staging of the Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon), which regularly falls in the middle of the European season, meant United switched to other targets despite Osimhen initially being “at the top of the list”.
“If you spend £100m on a player, you don’t want to lose him for Afcon,” McCarthy told Newsday on the BBC World Service.
“I think he would have been very successful there. But it [Afcon] was a big stumbling block.
“Losing him for so many important matches, the team suffers not having the main striker there.
“So the decision was made. Literally [a] big part was because of the Afcon and Victor Osimhen’s name got scratched off – not a player of interest because of that.”
United instead signed Rasmus Hojlund from Atalanta for £72m in August 2023, with the Denmark international scoring 26 goals in 95 appearances before joining Napoli on loan last September.
Osimhen, meanwhile, was named African footballer of the year in 2023 but left Napoli to join Galatasaray on loan in September 2024, and the 27-year-old then sealed a permanent switch to the Turkish giants last July.
Handling the ‘noise’ at United
Image caption,Benni McCarthy (right) was a first-team coach at Manchester United for two seasons between 2022 and 2024, working with forwards including Cristiano Ronaldo
McCarthy felt that Osimhen would be “a great asset” under Ten Hag, and that the striker would have been able to handle the pressure associated with playing for United.
“He scores goals, he works exceptionally hard, and he’s a player [who is] immune to the noise,” added South Africa’s record goalscorer.
“Playing for Man Utd won’t have a lot of effect on him because of what the boy has gone through [in] his life. Where he comes from, he’s seen way worse than this.
“Him not scoring for five games in a row won’t affect him. He’ll just keep going on because he knows what struggle is about.”
Yet the timing of Afcon, which has predominantly taken place in January and February in recent years, ultimately scuppered any deal.
“[It] made me kind of sad as well because, my whole career, I fought to represent my country because I’m African,” McCarthy added.
Avoiding Afcon’s club vs country clash
The issue of clubs being reticent to spend big money on top African players could be less prevalent in the future because the Confederation of African Football (Caf) has announced that Afcon will become a quadrennial tournament from 2028.
Caf president Patrice Motsepe said the decision has been taken in conjunction with world governing body Fifa so that the international calendar can “be significantly more synchronised”.
McCarthy, who is now in charge of 2027 Afcon hosts Kenya and recently released his autobiography, believes the tournament should have retained its traditional biennial schedule in order to give more exposure to talent on the continent, but that more should have been done to prevent the finals from clashing with club competitions.
“I think Caf could work better with Fifa and the European community, Uefa, on when [to] stage these tournaments so that it doesn’t jeopardise players’ careers,” said the 48-year-old.
“You [play] the tournament during the time where there’s a scheduled break in the league, or you do it in the June-July window where the season is finished.
“But then again, players get no break, no holiday – nothing.
“I think for me that is probably the best scenario because a lot of clubs look at not wanting African players, because you lose those players to the Afcon for a month.
“I think it should have stayed [every] two years, but they should just [play] it in the time where [it] doesn’t clash with clubs.”
Fears of a return to war in northern Ethiopia are driving many people to leave the region of Tigray just over three years after the civil war there ended.
“Those who can afford it fly, those who can’t use buses,” one person in the main city of Mekelle told the BBC – going on to explain how large numbers of young people were heading to the capital, Addis Ababa.
The prices of goods are rocketing as people stock up on essentials and a run on the banks has meant there is now a daily limit on cash withdrawals of around 2,000 birr ($13; £10) per person.
With cash shortages reminiscent of the brutal two-year conflict that ended in November 2022, those wanting to making big transfers often have to pay extra charges to do them electronically.
What has happened to the peace deal?
The civil war between the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) saw an estimated 600,000 people killed, according to an envoy from the African Union (AU), and the region driven to the precipice of famine.
So great fanfare and relief greeted the agreement that was brokered by the AU in November 2022.
After it was signed in South Africa’s capital, Pretoria, the guns were silenced, basic services were restored and normality began to return to Tigray.
Each day there are long lines at banks in Mekelle as people are anxious to have cash in case there is a conflict
However, fears were immediately raised over the absence of two of the warring parties from the signing ceremony:
Eritrea, which borders Tigray to the north. Its forces had fought alongside the Ethiopian army for control of the region
Amhara, a region which neighbours Tigray to the west and whose fighters also fought on the side of the Ethiopian army. In the early weeks of the war they seized land in the agriculturally rich area of western Tigray, which remains a source of dispute.
The Ethiopian government has since fallen out with both its former ally Eritrea and the armed militias from Amhara.
And as the country heads towards elections in June, the government has also been at loggerheads with the TPLF over the failure to resolve the future of disputed areas in Tigray, like those occupied by Amhara forces.
It has all led to widespread distrust and means the Pretoria accord is unravelling fast.
How have things escalated?
There have been reports of a troop mobilisation in the north of Ethiopia and the UN has since described the situation in the region as “highly volatile”.
In late January brief clashes were reported between federal troops and Tigrayan fighters, who are agitating for the return of areas still under Amhara control.
Drone strikes hit the region and flights to Tigrayan cities were suspended for nearly a week.
Ethiopia has also accused Eritrea of meddling by backing Tigrayan forces, which it denies. The authorities in Addis Ababa see a growing closeness between the TPLF and Asmara as a threat.
Last October, Ethiopia’s foreign minister wrote a letter to the UN chief alleging that Eritrea was forging an alliance with “hardliners within the TPLF” to “wage war” against Ethiopia.
Last week, TPLF head Debretsion Gebremicheal said war was “looming” over Tigray and “the people… will be under the obligation to resist aggression and defend themselves to maintain their existence”.
Why is the TPLF upset?
It wants back territory it lost during the war, like western Tigray.
Around a million people fled that area during the conflict and have been living in poor conditions in makeshift camps throughout Tigray. They have not been able to return home.
A decision taken by the election board earlier this week that in June disputed areas would vote independently – not under the jurisdiction of either Amhara or Tigray – has further infuriated many Tigrayans.
Scars from the previous war are still present in Tigray
The TPLF, which was designated as a terrorist group during the war, also wants its legal status as a political party to be reinstated.
But the process has been dogged by disagreements and the electoral board recently revoked the TPLF’s licence – meaning it cannot contest the upcoming elections.
The TPLF itself has split into factions, with some members setting up a new party, complicating an already tense situation.
The party had dominated Ethiopia’s political landscape for two decades until Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in 2018 and set up a new party, which TPLF leaders refused to join.
Abiy’s supporters regard those left in the TPLF as “hardliners”, blaming them for failing to properly implement the peace deal and cosying up to Eritrea – leaving allegiances in the region dramatically different to the situation in 2020.
Why has Ethiopia fallen out with Eritrea?
The two neighbours have long had a volatile relationship – flip-flopping from being friends to enemies.
Eritrea officially seceded from Ethiopia in 1993 – but later fought a deadly border war.
In fact, Abiy won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for ending the 20-year military stalemate with Eritrea that followed.
But friendly relations further forged during the Tigray war have given way to a war of words over the Red Sea.
This is because Ethiopia, the world’s most populous landlocked nation, lost its Red Sea ports when Eritrea got its independence – taking with it a 1,350km (840-mile) coastline
For Abiy this has become an existential crisis and he has been pushing for ownership of Eritrea’s southern port of Assab – about 60km from the border – and hinted at the desire to take it by force.
“The Red Sea and Ethiopia cannot remain separated forever,” Abiy said during a recent parliamentary address.
How is the Amhara region involved?
A low-level rebellion has been rumbling on in Amhara since 2023 – linked to anger that the help the region gave the government during the Tigray war has not been properly acknowledged.
Amhara fighters, who took part in the Tigray war, feel betrayed by the government
Those fighters want the area of western Tigray to be formally recognised as part of Amhara.
Ethiopia has also accused Eritrea of involvement in this unrest – which it denies.
In January federal security forces in the Amhara region said they had seized 50,000 rounds of ammunition that they alleged had been sent by Eritrea to anti-government militias.
What would another war mean for the region?
The scars and trauma from the previous war are still present in Tigray. Much of the damaged infrastructure has not been rebuilt and the region’s economy has not fully recovered.
Chronic unemployment is pushing many young people from the region to attempt dangerous migratory routes seeking better opportunities in Europe and the Middle East.
If a full-blown war was to break out between the Ethiopian army and the TPLF, or between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Tigray is likely to be the main battleground, which would devastate the region once again.
It could also destabilise the wider Horn of Africa region.
Ethiopia’s western neighbour Sudan is already blighted by devastating violence that has unleashed the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.
“Any war between Ethiopia and Eritrea involving Tigray and other Ethiopian domestic actors is very likely to connect to Sudan. The two conflicts will be merged,” US-based international relations expert Michael Woldemariam told the BBC.
What can be done to prevent another conflict?
Diplomatic pressure, particularly from the US, was seen as the key driver behind the 2022 peace deal.
Gulf countries are now more involved in the region and so pressure from them could also avert another catastrophic conflict.
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is said to have close relations with Addis Ababa while its rival Saudi Arabia is thought to be closer to Asmara.
However, Michael is not optimistic.
He notes that this time “the AU doesn’t have the requisite leverage”, the US’s attention is elsewhere and the Gulf states are divided.
The United Opposition has hit back at President William Ruto over his development record, following sustained attacks from the Head of State that the opposition has nothing to show Kenyans.
Opposition leaders say it is President Ruto whose track record is questionable, accusing his administration of extra-judicial killings and the decline of key state parastatals.
President Ruto’s latest barbs at the opposition have been hard-hitting, dismissing their push to unseat him, insisting they lack both a development track record and the political muscle to convince voters.
But the opposition has hit back, branding the President’s record as troubling and accusing him of undoing previous gains.
“You are the only President since Independence who has given orders for young people to be shot in the leg. That is your record. Selling public assets, that is your record,” said Rigathi Gachagua, Party Leader, DCP.
The United Opposition has also opposed plans to sell stakes in Kenyan companies, warning against what they term reckless privatisation.
“We cannot accept Kenyan companies being sold carelessly. Even if it is Vodafone, a global brand, they must reconsider any relationship tied to President Ruto,” said Kalonzo Musyoka.
After accusing Kisii Governor Simba Arati of disrupting their rallies, the leaders are asking him to switch allegiance and join former Interior CS Fred Matiang’i’s camp.
“Na sasa sisi Arati tunamwambia arudi asalimu amri kwa Matiang’i wafanye kazi pamoja,” said Eugene Wamalwa.
“We want to tell Governor Simba Arati the tide is turning and it is time he decided which side he wants to be on,” Kalonzo added.
“Tufikirie mambo ya kuleta manufaa kwa watu wetu,” Matiang’i pointed out.
Gachagua has also sustained his criticism of Kipsigis leaders, accusing them of failing to stand up to President William Ruto, alleging he has neglected development in the region.
“Hawa watu wa kasongo viongozi wa Kipsigis wanalia kama panya imeshikwa na mtego na mimi nimekuwa tu hapo dakika kumi pekee yake mimi naambia nyinyi viongozi wa Kipsigis mmeumiza hao sana hawana maji hawana barabara,” said Rigathi Gachagua.
The United Opposition has wrapped up its three-day tour of the Gusii region, with much of its charm offensive focused on rallying support for Fred Matiang’i in his home turf.
Police officers in Kwale County carried out a targeted raid yesterday on a house in the Denyenye area and successfully apprehending two suspects believed to be key ringleaders of notorious gangs that have been terrorising members of the public along the Dongo Kundu Bypass and the Likoni–Ukunda Road.
During the raid, officers recovered two pangas and two mobile phones suspected of having been used to coordinate criminal activities.
The suspects are currently in police custody and are expected to be arraigned in court as investigations continue.
The police have vowed to intensify the operation to dismantle organised criminal groups and restore safety and security in the Coast region.
Real Madrid are through to yet another Champions League round of 16 after dispatching Benfica, and as always, the road ahead promises intrigue.
The identity of their next opponent will be determined in Friday’s draw, which will map out the bracket for the remainder of the tournament. From that point on, the path to the final will be clear — and potentially treacherous.
There is a 50 percent chance that Real Madrid will be paired with Pep Guardiola’s Manchester City, a matchup that has become one of the defining rivalries of this Champions League era.
In recent seasons, Madrid and City have collided repeatedly in high-stakes knockout ties, producing some of the competition’s most dramatic nights. From Madrid’s astonishing comeback at the Bernabéu in 2022 to City’s dominant performance en route to their 2023 title, this fixture has consistently delivered elite tactical battles and razor-thin margins.
City remain one of the most structurally sound teams in Europe even if they’re not as good as they were a few years ago. Guardiola’s positional play, midfield control, and relentless pressing make them uniquely difficult to contain over two legs. They are comfortable monopolizing possession but are equally capable of punishing teams in transition.
Yet, if there’s one team that has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to survive — and even thrive — in chaos against City, it’s Real Madrid. The psychological edge, the experience in decisive moments, and the aura of the Bernabéu under Champions League lights would once again become central storylines.
Sporting Lisbon: A More Manageable Draw?
The alternative is Sporting Lisbon, a team that would, on paper, represent a less daunting challenge.
Sporting are organized, technically sound, and capable of causing problems, but they do not carry the same European pedigree or depth as Manchester City. For Madrid, this would be viewed as a favorable draw relative to the English champions — though in the Champions League, “easier” is always relative.
Because Sporting are not seeded, the tie would begin at the Santiago Bernabéu, with the return leg played in Lisbon. That dynamic adds an interesting wrinkle: Madrid would need to build a strong advantage at home before heading into what would likely be an intense away atmosphere.
