Written by Henry Kimoli
When a rookie cool kid announced himself to the Kenya public, naysayers dismissed him as kamwana—a passing cloud. That was in 1991.
Meet Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta’s political roots. Then, in 1991, the sons of prominent political dynasties had called a press conference to condemn intolerance.
It didn’t matter then that Mama Ngina Kenyatta was silently rooting for President Moi.
He had arrived. Four years later, Uhuru joined politics and ran for the Gatundu South seat. It is believed that then Vice President George Saitoti, privy to Moi’s intentions to drop him, ensured Uhuru lost the election to Moses Mwihia.
This disappointment was only a temporary setback. Moi appointed Uhuru as the chair of KTB and later the chair of the National Drought Disaster committee.
Mark Too, once Moi’s entertainment tool, resigned as Nominated MP—or was forced to.
Uhuru was nominated MP and appointed Minister for Local Government, precipitating rumblings in KANU and setting up a battle that consumed loyalists including Saitoti, Kamotho, Karauri, and Ntimamama.
There was a short interlude between 1999 and 2002 when they briefly worked with Raila after his first handshake with Moi. Then came the acrimonious parting when Raila backed Kibaki, cutting Uhuru to pieces.
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Another setback. Another motivation. Uhuru became Leader of Opposition between 2003 and 2007.
When Kibaki parted ways with Raila and Kalonzo in 2005, they teamed up with Uhuru to embarrass Kibaki. Ruto and Kalonzo were part of the team.
Then GEMA ghosts visited Jomo’s son at night, ordering him to abandon Raila and back Kibaki in 2007. They said this was the foundation for 2013.
When post-election violence began, Uhuru and Ruto found themselves between the dark blue sea and community sharks. They voted with the community.
It took Kofi Annan’s intervention for the power games to end. Uhuru emerged as a silent hardliner for Kibaki, while Ruto was the loud hardliner for Raila.
In 2013, with the ICC noose hanging loosely around their fragile necks and Kibaki retiring, they found common ground.
They furiously defended themselves as victims of Kibaki and Raila—sacrificial lambs and “peace makers” who had conceded defeat in 2003.
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The tyranny of their communities helped them win in 2013. But the centre could not hold after 2018. Sand had shifted. Interests turned upside down.
There is a narrative in town that Uhuru escorted Raila to Bondo and, through acts of omission and commission, aided Ruto’s victory.
As President, he was privy to intelligence reports that Tanga Tanga was unstoppable. He decided to back Raila so that resentment against him by GEMA could turn voters against Raila.
There are unfounded claims that Nyanza was duped into early celebration to deny Raila 99 percent of the vote.
Raila lost in Gatundu South, an indicator that Uhuru had lost ground and his people were seeking greener political pastures.
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During the Bomas chaos after the Cherera Four saga, Uhuru became presidential and avoided divisive talk that was threatening to tear the nation apart. By doing so, he managed the expectations of Raila’s countrywide base.
He disappeared from Kenya for about a year, only to reappear during the consecration of the Embu Bishop—in a stately hat.
By then, the mountain was burning politically, with regrets galore after “defying” Uhuru in 2022.
Uhuru is firmly back via the Jubilee Party. He has come back three times, but this now looks and feels like a tall order.
Mrima listens to Uhuru, but Murima is futuristic—just like Uhuru himself.
Matiang’i is Gen Z’s best. Uhuru has variously urged his daughter Ngina Kenyatta to join politics. Ngina herself attracts leadership talk courtesy of her calm demeanor. She is already happily married, awarding her the first qualification as a leader in Kenya.
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The Kenyatta family is in no hurry to exit politics. And Kenya has yet to produce a woman president. 2032? 2037?
Uhuru has sent out feelers that he could rally behind Kalonzo—until Gachagua became Kalonzo’s spokesperson.
Politics is a dirty game. Uhuru will stick to this, because politics has no feelings.
If Jubilee fields a presidential candidate, it will be following in the footsteps of Mwai Kibaki in 1992. Kibaki and Moi feared and hated Kenneth Matiba. They knew the only way to deny the Kiharu MP critical Nyeri, Nyandarua, Kirinyaga, Meru, and Ukambani votes was to contest.
Several deep state operatives campaigned for Kibaki on the economic front, describing Matiba as bitter (rings a bell?).
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Matiang’i is a scholar, just like Kibaki. Is this a well-founded fear or just propaganda?
No doubt, Uhuru means well for Kenya. A down-to-earth persona with the gift of the garb, he may very well decide who comes home in 2027—or he may not.
He has overcome many challenges, including the small fact that he doesn’t enjoy KETEPA products. His humble demeanor ensures he remains in touch with the ground.
He wrestled the ICC to the ground and neutralized CORD of Raila and Kalonzo, even while backed by the US, UK, Canada, and France.
UhuRuto was the first presidential ticket to occupy State House despite a dozen or more ICC allegations. They bullied Raila and Kalonzo into submission, setting a precedent that post-dinner drinks count for nothing here.
To prove 2013 was no fluke, the duo followed it up with victory in 2017.
If Uhuru himself were on the ballot, the game would be different. But now, he has to square it out with Rigathi Gachagua in Mt Kenya, because politics are always local.
So what is the Fourth up to?
Political parties eat taxpayers’ money like groundnuts. The more the elected leaders, the more the billions.
If Jubilee eclipses DCP in Central, Uhuru will nominate whoever he wants. He could also cut a post-election coalition with Ruto or anyone else, fake a bromance, divide appointments and business, and continue the KANU tradition of ruling Kenya for 100 years since 1992.
KANU, by whatever name, has ruled uninterrupted for 33 years. And with Raila Odinga, Kiraitu Murungi, Paul Muite, and John Khaminwa aging furiously, Jogoo is here to stay.
