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Nigeria’s election delay: why, and what next?

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Newspaper headlines following the decision by Nigeria’s National Electoral Commission to delay the country’s poll. EPA-EFE/Jayden Joshua
Olayinka Ajala, University of York

Nigeria abruptly postponed its presidential election hours before polling was due to begin. The presidential and parliamentary votes have been rescheduled for 23 February while the governorship, state assembly and federal area council elections have been rescheduled to 9 March. The electoral commission cited logistical challenges for the decision. Olayinka Ajala examines the shock announcement and its implications on the final outcome.

What is your reaction to the pushing back of Nigeria’s presidential vote?

The postponement isn’t a new phenomenon in Nigeria. The 2015 elections were also postponed for six weeks to allow the government to intensify the fight against Boko Haram and for the general security of the electoral commission’s staff in volatile areas. The postponement however, was eventually in favour of the opposition party which eventually won the 2015 polls.

But this postponement is different for three main reasons. First, just a day earlier the Independent National Electoral Commission had insisted it was ready to conduct free and fair elections. So the fact that it changed its mind so abruptly has raised questions about the real reason for the delay.

Second, even the two leading parties were not privy to the shock announcement before hand. Agents of both parties as well as local and foreign observers were all invited to a briefing on the eve of the elections where all the options available were discussed. Postponement wasn’t mentioned.

Lastly, the elections were postponed less than six hours before they were due to commence. In the 2015 elections the postponement was announced about a week to the commencement of the polls.

One of the strongest rumours doing the rounds in the hours following the announcement was that the electoral commission had identified serious security threats in the last 24 hours. This might be connected to the killing of 66 people in Kaduna on Friday and the four people caught with AK47s in Zamafara.

Not surprisingly, the announcement fuelled suspicions in a tight contest. The main opposition Peoples Democratic Party kicked off protests against the decision labelling it a “deliberate pre-determined agenda” by the ruling party to thwart the will of the people. President Muhammadu Buhari also expressed disappointment. He added that his administration remained committed to conducting free and fair elections.

To what extent is the postponement justified?

The electoral commission has cited a number of logistical challenges. Apart from issues related to the distribution of electoral materials, it also cited poor weather and the destruction of materials in fires. In the last two weeks, arson attacks have been reported at the electoral commission’s offices in three states (Anambra, Abia and Plateau) which led to the destruction of thousands of card readers, voters cards and other vital electoral materials.

On top of this, the Central Bank of Nigeria, which stores sensitive electoral equipment and material, is said to have been overwhelmed. In the run up to the poll, ballot papers and electoral registers are normally kept in the vaults of the central bank and distributed within days of the elections. With 15 million new voters since the 2015 elections it would seem that the electoral commission and the central bank underestimated the scale of the task. On the eve of the elections, vital materials hadn’t been delivered in some states.

All these issues could have affected the results. The electoral commission was therefore justified in postponing the elections. The question is why they delayed the postponement until the last minute.

What do you make of the allegations of rigging?

There have been allegations of rigging by both main parties since the campaign started. Any postponement was bound to lead to more speculation. Although the electoral commission maintained that the postponement was done in good faith, political parties could see the move as an effort to disenfranchise them. This is because every presidential election result in Nigeria since 1999 have been questioned by the losing side regardless of the approach of the electoral commission.

The opposition People’s Democratic Party also sees the move as an attempt to weaken its position further The party’s national chairman, Uche Secondus, called the postponement a:

deliberate, pre-determined agenda of President Muhammadu Buhari to cling on to power even when it’s obvious to him that Nigerians want him out.

Tensions were running high in the run up to the poll after the governing All Progressive’s Congress showed signs of gaining momentum following mass defections from the main opposition party to the governing party.

But the All Progressive’s Congress party also feels aggrieved, questioning whether the electoral commission is colluding with the opposition People’s Democratic Party which they claim was not ready for the election.

What are the implications?

Regardless of how the elections are conducted on the new dates announced, the losing parties will blame the postponement for their defeat. This has happened on previous occasions when elections have been postponed.

A serious challenge facing the electoral commission is how it can safeguard election materials that have already been distributed from getting into the wrong hands. Since some of the sensitive materials have arrived in most states, all eyes will be on the electoral commission and security operatives until the new election dates.

Finally, it is not exactly clear how, within a week, the electoral commission will overcome the logistical challenges it cited. How, for example, will it be able to replace equipment and material destroyed in the fires. In addition, how will it guarantee that the decision was entirely based on logistics and not coercion? The postponement of the elections will definitely generate further criticisms which the electoral commission must manage in an unbiased way.The Conversation

Olayinka Ajala, Associate Lecturer and Conflict Analyst, University of York

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Top lawyers face off over JSC graft allegations


Leading Corporate Commercial lawyer now wants advocates who prosecute graft allegations outside the court room be barred from practice.

Image result for william maema

William Maema, a senior partner at Iseme Kamau and Maema (IKM) law firm, says a 5 year suspension of certificate should be imposed on such advocates.He says accusing Judges of graft without providing proof was akin to lynching the officers and said those driving this agenda against the Judicial Service Commission officers must be brought to book.”My fellow advocates, this unacceptable idea of punching a referee after losing a match must come to a halt”, he said in various tweets seen by Uzalendo News.

Earlier on, Leading Counsellor AhmedNasir Adbudallahi had sensationally tweeted that some Supreme Court Judges had been bribed to make a favorable ruling in a matter before the Supreme Court. He also said that he would write to the CJ David Maraga and provide evidence.

William Maema said that such grave allegations needed to be channeled through the Judicial Service Commission (JSC),
 Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) ,Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) and Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).

IKM is one of top 5 leading law firms in Kenya and recently it successfully defended the Government against a multi billion claim from a mining Company.

Kengeles fades despite hosting political heavyweights

THE Kengeles chain of restaurants were a popular meeting place in the late 1990’s upto 2013.

It was in this franchise that top politicians and business leaders met during the last part of President Moi’s era and the entire President Kibaki leadership. So popular was the franchise, that it opened branches at Nyayo Stadium, Lavington, Koinange and Kisumu.

And although it not an exclusive members club, the chain had its own unwritten rules that had to be followed to the letter.

Kengele is Kiswahili for bell. Therefore, whenever a “member” walked in, the bill had to be rung to announce the arrival of the guest.

So who patronized which Kengeles?

There were preserved seats for members, mainly at the expansive bar counter where members imbibed as they watched the Premier league

Kengeles Nyayo Stadium

This is where opposition politicians met well into the wee hours of the morning to plot how to end the KANU grip on power and the Presidency.

The former Kengeles is now known as Nexigen entertainment.

The likes of the late Wamalwa Kijana, Raila Odinga, Mukhisa Kituyi, Musikari Kombo, Charles Nyamai and the bull fighter, Boni Khalwale.

It is said that the famous NARC deal between Mwai Kibaki, late Kijana Wamalwa and Charity Kaluki Ngilu was mooted at one of the tables at Kengeles. While the party leaders occupied strategic tables in the restaurant, the Mps  Kituyi, Wafula Wamunyinyi, Kombo, David Were, Nyamai, Moses Wetangula, among others sat at the counter.

Todate, Khalwale has a reserved table at the facility, but he rarely uses it.

Matungulu Mps and a host of other first term Kamba Mps still pass by at odd days of the week, a waiter well versed with operations of the place says.

The Counter seats are still exclusively used by former members ‘or middle class people with swag’, a waiter intimated.

Kengeles Koinange

This was patronized by young, first term Mps.

It was popularized by former Taveta Mp Jackson Mwalulu, a Journalist and political activist.

Later it became the breeding ground for youthful leaders and power brokers from Ukambani and Western Kenya.

It  is said the seed for the political marriage between Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga were planted here during the Presidency.

As Kalonzo and Raila sorted themselves out during the “Nusu mkate” government, professionals from Ukambani and Western were busy bonding with a view to forming the alliance.

This franchise has since been purchased by the Nairobi Safari Club.

Kengeles Lavington

This was for the buccaneers and financiers of the political heavy weights.

Here the likes of Trans-century big boys met routinely with important contacts they would rather not invite to Muthaiga Country Club of the Golf Club itself.

It was also patronized by serious technocrats out for an exotic drink. To-date, it has retained the Kengeles brand. But the bells never toll these days.

Tax payers loose billions as books scandal exposed

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The free secondary school text book project could be the next mega scandal in Kenya.

The Daily Nation edition of February 2014, elucidates how over supply
of text books by more than 100 per cent in a well orchestrated cartel
by thieving merchants has left schools with no where to store the
excess text books.

Worse still, some of the books are completely irrelevant since some of
the subjects are not even taught in the schools they have been
supplied to.

This new books supply method was supposed to replace the even
corruptly abused system through which schools purchased books from
suppliers based on the recommendations of the Kenya Institute of
Curriculum Development (KICD).

When the idea was mooted, the Government hoped to save more than
Sh.15billion in book procurement and management.

But it now appears that the savings were only but hot air, perpetrated
by well oiled sector players, driven by the ever growing appetite to
steal from the public.

And its not just the Kenyan taxpayers money alone. The donors have
pumped in close to 13.8billion for the Tusome Project that seeks to
improve learning outcomes and the Global Partnership for
Education(GPE).

The Daily Nation expose further says the matter is under investigation
by the EACC to establish culpability.

Demolitions continue along Langata Road

A semi permanent building complex constructed on a road and railway reserve has been flattened by the Government. The famous Sany descended on the premises, located opposite Kenol Petrol station and flattened it early this morning.

Car Bazaar and other structures demolished along Lang’ata Road – Photo Credits – Abednego Mbua

This is part of the Nairobi regeneration operations being undertaken by the Government to reclaim encroached. The premises, which contains a
a car wash and carpet-cleaning area allegedly owned by
Senator Paul Wamatangi, is a few metres from Aerodrome Road and the railway line.

Previously, Wamatangi used to park more than 50 branded Jubillee Nissans at the premises. The building, which houses many businesses was put up in 2018. It also houses a car wash and various other businesses.

Police indictment over Baby Pendo: Did Magistrate yield to political pressure?


By Henry Kimoli

Did a Kisumu Senior Resident Magistrate play to the gallery in the indictment of Police Commanders in Kisumu over the senseless and brutal murder of Baby Samantha Pendo?

In her ruling delivered yesterday, Resident Magistrate Beryl Odhiambo directed the prosecution of five police commanders based in Kisumu, for overseeing police brutality that killed baby Pendo.

However, the indictment of Thomas Yoma, Christopher Mutune, Benard Kipkosgey, Nina Kosgey, and John Thiringi raises grave concerns over where the buck stops in botched operations.

When the murder was first reported, it triggered a full blown war of words between Jubillee and NASA leaders, with wild suggestions that the police brutality that occasioned the death was pre-mediated.

Violence against anyone is unacceptable. Violence against a defenseless infant is punishable by death through the hangman’s noose. But only after the facts have been laid bare in a competent court, interrogated, examined, corroborated and the author of the crime isolated.

On Baby Pendo’s case, commanders deployed Police officers to deal with riots. The chaos was not started by the commanders. It was threatening to spill out of control. Were they expected to be passive and not act to prevent destruction of life and property?

After the death, pressure mounted on police to take responsibility over the infant’s demise. But nobody asked the politicians to take responsibility for calming the crowds.

Of course Pendo’s death must awaken our national fabric on the sanctity of life and protection of infants. But we must ask ourselves about who bares the highest responsibility to the circumstances under which Samantha died.

In one stroke of a pen, the magistrate has opened floodgates for prosecution of senior officers over the actions of their juniors.

In a nutshell, the traumatic death of Samantha Pendo, a helpless infant over election disputes she knew nothing about will now condemn police bosses to the dock…over crimes they never actually committed.

The jury is still out there as to what happened. And we will wait for the DPP to establish culpability.

Make no mistake here. The judgment as read by the learned magistrate must and should be respected. But it must be put in perspective that all other operations that have yielded brutality in the past must be investigated afresh. And the Police commanders at those jurisdictions probed for culpability.

Add this to the hangman noose tightly placed on the neck of the former Ruaraka OCS Nahashon Muchiri Mutua, for murder, and you will understand why police bosses in Kenya are did not enjoy their Valentine Day.

For starters…the primary duty of police commanders is to deploy trained and appropriate officers to various duties as per the police standing orders and other related law. Based on competence of individual officers, their professional balance and temperament. Snipers are deployed in volatile areas, while sharp shooters belong to the flying squad and other elite formations.

Do they taken responsibility wherever stray fire neutralizes the wrong person?

The common practice in police modus operedi is that intelligence is availed on the nature of assignment, expected scenarios that may play out, and the officer encouraged using his initiative to execute.

With one command: use reasonable force, without compromising your personal security.

In the Baby Pendo case, officers were deployed to deal with violence occasioned by a tense election result. There is reason to believe that the procedure enumerated above was used.

In the Kisumu scenario, the officers on the ground had to deal with an hostile, blood thirsty mob, thereby threatening the life of the law enforcers and exposing the infant to mortal danger.

In the past, Police have killed civilians and officers killed or maimed by trained militia. This is information well within the knowledge domain of the three arms of Government namely: the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary.

Kisumu has been a hot bed of political tensions since 2007, when the PEV chaos led the near destruction of the town.

This means that the entire Government machinery is ceased of the nature and trajectory of the Baby Pendo case, giving it a bird’s high view to adjudicate.

Courts of law are moved by evidence. But an inquest is not a court of law and lacks jurisdiction to decide the guilt or innocence of the parties.

As a nation we must however take cognizance of the fact that a crime cannot be authored commanders. It is an individual, with a force number, identity and a pay slip.

If Police commanders are to bear blame for the actions of omission and commission from their officers, then the threshold of this responsibility must be determined.

For example, will the commanders of the police squad that raided Jimmi Wanjigi’s home bear responsibility for the destruction of Wanjigi’s property now that the handshake has negated his crime?

Two: will the police officers who manhandled, harassed and tore into Miguna Miguna’s jacket at JKIA face prosecution?

The ruling is a major wake up call for police who arbitrary sent out their juniors to tricky assignments and fail to supervise them.

Two things are however clear. That whoever clobbered Angel Pendo bears the biggest responsibility over the crime. He or she must face the law.

The police bosses can only be charged with negligence to duty. Unless of course evidence is adduced that the commanders gave a shoot or clobber to kill order.

Which then brings us to the million-dollar question: On whose behalf were those orders issued and why? On the protests that triggered the police operation, who created the enabling climate for the protests bacteria to blossom?  Who was supposed to benefit from the sustained tensions over election?

Give the Police a break. Their work is to keep law and order. Detect and prevent crime. And arrest you when you finance your side kick to maim your wife because her face is wrinkled and you want to move on.

Muya signs MoU to facelift Uhuru Market

The Government has signed a Textile Action Research MoU Signing between GoK and the that will uplift traders at Uhuru Market along Jogoo Road.
The move will add value to hundreds of textile manufacturers, some of them disabled.

The event will be officiated by CS Hon. Peter Munya, Ministry of Industry, Trade and Cooperatives, in partnership with the SME Advisory in the Executive Office of the President. This is an Action Research Project that aims to help MSME Textile producers reduce inefficiencies, increase value addition, increase value chain integration and grow the product markets.

This will entail:

  • The establishment of a centre of excellence pilot at Uhuru Market
  • The development of a scalable model addressing competency development, technological upgrades, product quality and markets
  • Proposing a textile markets action plan for possible implementation in key markets in Nairobi and around the country.

The development of a scalable model addressing competency development, technological upgrades, product quality and markets
Proposing a textile markets action plan for possible implementation in key markets in Nairobi and around the country.

HEVA is an East African fund that invests in the transformative social and economic potential of the creative economy sector in the East African region and is headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya. 

The pilot project under the textile value chain is under the Manufacturing Pillar and promotes the Big 4 Agenda.
President Uhuru Kenyatta is keen to ensure that women and youth are empowered as part of his lasting legacy.

Women politicians in Africa face huge odds but can make a real difference

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Moves are afoot to ensure 25% of Egyptian MPs are women. EPA-EFE/Khaled Elfiqi
Susan Dodsworth, University of Birmingham

Women are gaining ground in politics around the world. Last year, the so-called “pink wave” saw a record number of women elected to Congress in the US’s mid-term elections. There are signs of progress in Africa, too.

Last October, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was praised for his “transformative leadership” after appointing a new set of ministers – half of whom were women. Earlier in February, Egyptian lawmakers proposed amending the constitution to guarantee women 25% of the seats in the national parliament. If it’s approved, this change would significantly increase the political representation of Egyptian women. At present they make up just 15% of the legislature.

There’s a huge amount of variation in women’s political representation across Africa, a fact shown by the Inter-Parliamentary Union and UN Women’s map of Women in Politics. In some countries, including Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania, they make up a substantial portion of the legislature. However, women remain poorly represented in many others.

Doubtful intentions

Some question whether the increased political representation of women is necessarily a good thing, particularly in the context of Africa. They argue that it’s not entirely coincidental that many of the countries making the greatest progress in including women in politics are making far less progress in terms of democracy.

As others have argued, high profile efforts to promote women’s rights can help authoritarian leaders to present themselves as modernisers. This, they hope, will attract the interest of both investors and lenders.

Including more women in positions of power can also be useful domestically. It allows leaders with authoritarian leanings, or dubious democratic credentials, to expand their support base and bolster political stability. The recent reforms in both Ethiopia and Egypt could well be the product of such strategies, rather than a genuine commitment to promoting gender equality.

Does this mean that there’s nothing to be gained by including more women in politics? There may be no guarantee it promotes democracy. But there are reasons to believe it might pay off in terms of development.

Impact on development

It’s often said that opening up positions of political power to women will lead to development policies that are more effective and better implemented. Now, we’re starting to see evidence that this is in fact the case.

For example, several recent studies show that improving the representation of women in parliament has a positive impact on the health sector. Political scientists Amanda Clayton and Pär Zetterberg have shown that “quota shocks” – large increases in women’s parliamentary representation after the introduction of a gender quota – tend to be followed by rises in government spending on public health.

Other researchers have shown that increases in the number of women in parliament are associated with a variety of positive health outcomes. These include improvements in women’s life expectancy and reductions in both maternal and infant mortality.

These positive impacts are notable, and make sense. There’s plenty of debate about exactly what constitutes a “women’s issue”, but there’s good reason to put health in that category. Surveys from sub-Saharan Africa show that both women citizens, and women parliamentarians, are more likely to identify health as a priority issue than their male counterparts.

Moreover, this “gender gap” in priorities is greater between male and female legislators than between male and female citizens. In short, if expanding the political representation of women is to have an effect anywhere, it ought to be in the health sector (and, of course, in women’s rights).

Lingering questions

There is, however, some bad news. It’s still not clear exactly how these positive impacts on development come about. In the case of research showing the link between “quota shocks” and health spending, for instance, there is a correlation – but claims about causal effects remain questionable.

New research is desperately needed that untangles exactly how women in politics make a difference. This is important to help justify the continuing campaign to increase women’s political representation around the world. It will also allow international donors to help women in politics make a positive difference. It’s hard to help someone achieve their goals if you don’t understand the tactics they have at their disposal.

With this in mind, an ongoing collaboration between the University of Birmingham and the Westminster Foundation for Democracy – supported by the Institute for Global Innovation – has started to ask some important questions about women in African parliaments. These include whether women in parliament have an impact even where they lack “critical mass” and, if so, what strategies and tactics they employ to overcome their lack of numbers.

Our ongoing research suggests that parliamentary institutions – including parliamentary committees and women’s caucuses – play an important role in helping female politicians in Africa to shape development outcomes. At the moment, we’re looking into how women in Malawi used these institutions to push for some important changes to the HIV and AIDS Act.

Generating the knowledge needed will require a lot more research, including research by experts within Africa. Some of this knowledge already exists within the region. Putting African experts at the forefront of new research will help the international community to develop programmes that go beyond “just adding women” to politics. It will also help female politicians in Africa to make a difference against the odds.The Conversation

Susan Dodsworth, Research Fellow at the International Development Department, University of Birmingham

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Uhuru: Unlawful withdrawal of Labour will not be tolerated

President Uhuru Kenyatta today delivered a statement concerning the ongoing health workers strike. This is what he had to say.
Fellow Kenyans,
This morning, I held a meeting with the leadership of the Ministry of Health and the Council of Governors to discuss the important issue of the provision of health services in our country. As the National and County Governments, we have a cardinal responsibility to provide adequate and accessible health care to all Kenyans.

In the 2017/2018 Financial year alone, as an example, County Governments spent approximately 87.3% of their entire budgets on Recurrent expenditure, leaving only a meagre 12.7% for Development. This is not in accordance with the objects of devolution under Article 174 of our Constitution. Indeed, the spirit of Devolution was to bring services closer to wananchi and the situation is clearly not desirable.

Human resources, including our nurses make up an important component in the provision of health services in our country. Our Government appreciates the hard work and dedication of thousands of the nursing personnel working in public hospitals in all corners of our Republic. To this end, over the last few years, we have sought to continually improve the working conditions and remuneration of all cadres of personnel in the health sector who are critical players in the implementation of our Big Four Agenda of providing Affordable Healthcare to all Kenyans, affordable housing, affordable food and jobs for our young men and women by the year 2022.

It is therefore greatly disheartening to learn that that some of our nurses have decided to engage in against the determination of the Employment and Labour Relations Court, which suspended any industrial action for sixty days pending conciliation meetings between the County Governments, Ministry of Health and the Nurses’ Union. Moreover, it is disheartening to hear officials of the Nurses Union declare that they will not obey these Court Orders.

One of the most important principles on which our Republic is established is the Rule of Law. No one is above the law. Obeying Court orders is not optional; it is a requirement for all of us, no matter their place in society.

Our Constitution and various labour laws, while granting the right to picket and participate in strikes, also provide for the process of determining public service remuneration by the Salaries Remuneration Commission whose advice has equally been disregarded.

Consequently, we have jointly agreed to take the following urgent actions:

a) All nurses should resume duty with immediate effect and in any case not later than Friday the 15th of February 2019 at 8:00 a.m.

b) As the Commander-in-Chief of the Kenya Defence Forces, I have instructed the National Police Service to take stern action against those picketers who may intimidate or otherwise harass the public servants who intend to go to work.

c) Accordingly, any nurse who fails to report to work as directed above will be dismissed by the County Governments and the Ministry of Health.

d) The respective County Governments will therefore be at liberty to undertake any action, as they deem appropriate, against personnel who fail to resume duty as directed by the Employment and Labour Relations Court.

In conclusion, fellow Kenyans, we have a clear development agenda. And as an investment destination and a Government that seeks to provide services to her people, we cannot allow unlawful industrial actions to derail us from our focus of taking Kenya forward.

I thank you.

7 Elite KDF chiefs you should know about

These are the men who have ensured that Kenya’s sovereignty is protected. Since independence, they have held together platoons upon platoons of highly trained men and women. A glimpse of these heroes and heroines is discerned at parades during national days. So who are the men who have moulded Kenya’s Military into a mean war machine feared, respected and adorned at home and away?

General Jackson Mulinge 1971- 1986

General Jackson Mulinge was Kenya’s longest serving military chief. Mulinge was born in 1924, in Kathiani District, Machakos County.

He was educated at the African Inland Mission School in Machakos before joining the Kings African Rifles Education Services for higher education.

He enlisted in 1942 to the then Kings African Rifles and served in the World War II in Malaysia.

Mulinge rose through the ranks to Warrant Officer Class One in 1956 and was the first African officer in Kenya to be commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant in 1961.

He was appointed Platoon Commander in the 3rd Battalion Kings African Rifles (3KAR) and was later promoted to become rank of Major General in 1971.

He held several honours, including Elder of the Golden Heart (EGH), Moran of the Golden Heart (MGH), Moran of the Burning Spear (MBS) and Distinguished Conduct Order (DCO).

General Mohamud Mohamed (1986 to 1996)

He was the Kenya Airforce Commander in 1982 when he was actively involved in crushing the coup attempt against the government of President Daniel Arap Moi.
Gen. Mulinge is remembered for crashing a rebellion by a few air force soldiers in 1982.

He took over as Chief of General Staff from General Mulinge in 1986 and served in that capacity for ten years until 1996.
He was the general who neutralized the mutineers in 1982.

General Daudi Tonje (1996 to 2000)

Popularly known as the CGS who reformed the military, General Daudi Tonje was appointed the Chief of General Staff in November 1996 and served until 2000.
He lives a quiet life in Baringo County. As CGS, he introduced measures to professionalize the force including allowing women soldiers to marry and ensuring that promotions in the force are pegged on academic performance.

Major General Joseph Kibwana (2000 to 2005

General Joseph Kibwana joined the Kenya Navy in 1964 and was commissioned as a Lieutenant on January 1, 1967.
He served in various senior ranks in the Kenya Navy and was also Chief of Military Intelligence from 1982 to 1985.
In May 1998, he became Lieutenant General and took over as the Commandant of Kenya’s National Defence College.
He became Chief of General Staff on December 1, 2000 and served until 2005.

General Jeremiah Kianga (2005 to 2011)

General Jeremiah Mutinda Kianga joined the Armed Forces in 1971 as a Cadet Officer and was commissioned in 1973.
He served the force for more than 40 years in various capacities including diplomatic, staff, command and training establishments, rising through the ranks to the top.
He served as Defence Attache, General Officer Commanding (Eastern Command), Deputy Commander and also Commander of the Kenya Army.
He was appointed the Chief of General Staff on September 1, 2005.

Gen Julius Waweru Karangi (2011-to 2015)

This is the General who commandeered the Operation Linda Nchi in Somalia.
The operation, so far highly successful has managed to keep terrorists away from our borders. Karachi joined Kenya Air Force in 1973 and after Cadet training in UK, he was commissioned as an officer in 1974.
After qualifying as a Flight Navigator in October 1975 in the Royal Air Force in England, he was posted to Flying Wing Kenya Air Force where he worked as a Navigator.

In 1995 he became Commander of Kenya Air Force Base, Moi Air Base and then in 1997, he was appointed Commander of the Kenya Air Force Logistics Command.
In 2000to 2003 he was promoted to the position of Commandant Defence Staff College, Karen rank of Major General, after which he was appointed before he was made Commander of the Kenya Air-force between 2003-2005
In August 2005, Karangi was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant General and Vice Chief of Defence Forces, Defence Headquarters.
And then On 13 July 2011 he was promoted to the rank of General and appointed the position of Chief of Defence Forces.

General Mwathethe (2015 to date)

General Mwathethe was born in Malindi and educated at Shimo La Tewa and Sacred Heart High Schools Mombasa.
Mwathethe joined the Kenya Navy in April 1978 and was commissioned in 1980 as a Seaman Officer after attending Britannia Royal Naval College, Dartmouth, UK.
Hi professional and military training includes International Sub-Lieutenants Course (UK), International Principal Warfare (IPWO) Course (UK), Missiles Course (ITALY) and the Royal Naval Staff College, Greenwich, (UK) in 1989
Before he served with the United Nations as a Military Observer in Kuwait/Iraq and Yugoslavia in 1991/92.

He then attended the Defence Resource Management Course in Monterey, USA in 1998, and the National Defence College in Nairobi, Kenya in 2000. He has held various command appointments including Vice Chief of the Defence Forces, Commander Kenya Navy, Deputy Commander Kenya Navy, Kenya Navy logistics Commander, Base Commander Mtongwe and Fleet Commander

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