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New dictionary provides insights into the language of African politics

In Ghana, “skirt-and-blouse voting” means to vote for different parties for presidential and legislative positions. Shutterstock Nic Cheeseman, University of Birmingham; Eloïse Bertrand, University of Warwick, and Sa’eed Husaini, University of Oxford

Every country has its own political language. These terms and phrases that have developed over time give distinctive meanings that may not be fully understood by outsiders. Unless we learn them, we may miss critical information about how politics really works.

Our new dictionary of African politics reveals the witty and insightful political terminology that people in different African countries use to speak truth to power and discuss everyday developments. It shows the importance of language for understanding politics and the varied experience of different nations.

The dictionary serves three key purposes. First, it provides clear and concise overviews of hundreds of key personalities, events and institutions from the colonial period to the present day. These range from Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to former South African leader Jacob Zuma, through the late Kenyan environmentalist and Nobel Laureate Wangari Mathaai, and Aja Fatoumata Jallow-Tambajang, a leading gender activist and the vice president of Gambia.

Second, it explains a rich set of theoretical terms that emerged out of the research on Africa over the last 70 years. These include neo-patrimonialism and extraversion, which have become important for global debates about power and the way it’s exercised.

Third – and much more significantly – it allows for a better understanding of the contributions that the continent has made to the practice and understanding of everyday politics. It also makes it possible to share the perceptive and shrewd ways that people speak truth to power in various countries: this is the real reason that the world needs a new dictionary of African politics.

Crowd-sourcing

To access this wealth of “kona” knowledge (street corner wisdom in Kiswahili), we crowd sourced suggestions for the most relevant and insightful terms using social media. The hundreds of responses we received mean that the dictionary is packed full of fascinating terms from across the continent. These come from a variety of languages including Kiswahili, Chibemba, Kikuyu, Wolof, isiZulu and isiXhosa. There are also Africanised versions of English, French and Portuguese words.

An illustrative example is the wealth of English vocabulary that has emerged from the interaction between local political norms and democratic institutions. This includes the Kenyan model of “negotiated democracy” – the sharing of political positions between different communities in advance of an election to avoid conflict.

Another is the Nigerian practice of “zoning”, which was set up to try and ensure that the presidency of Africa’s most populous country alternates between northerners and southerners. That way, no community is permanently excluded from power.

Clothing-related expressions have also emerged in countries like Kenya and Ghana to show voting behaviours. “Three-piece suit voting” refers to supporting the same party for all elected positions. On the contrary, “skirt-and-blouse voting” means to vote for different parties for presidential and legislative elections.

A series of evocative expressions describe a politician’s move from one party to another – usually from the opposition to the governing party following an inducement. Terms such as floor-crossing or cross-carpeting are inspired by the parliament’s settings, or nomadic traditions – examples are transhumance and “nomadisme politique”.

Ingenuity and humour

The ingredients that shape these terms are decades, if not centuries old. They thus provide an insight into a collective memory that goes back to well before colonial rule. But, language also evolves to keep up with the times. In French, for example, glissement means to slide. But, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the word recently took on a whole new meaning. This, as former President Joseph Kabila repeatedly postponed scheduled elections that would see him stand down. Congolese citizens started using the term to refer to the act of deliberately “sliding” past the official election date to retain power indefinitely.

Similarly, in Francophone Africa the term “alternance”, used as the demand for a transfer of power, shows a passionate commitment to the liberal-democratic norm of putting limits on the number of terms a president may serve. This has no equivalent in Europe and North America.

While the use of words such as glissement hint at the world-weary cynicism many ordinary people feel towards their leaders, other terms revel in the joy of wordplay. One of our favourites is “Watermelon politics”. It refers to an individual that professes to support one political party but in reality belongs to another.

It was coined in Zambia, where activists from the opposition United Party of National Development, (whose colour was then red), pretended to support the governing party, the Patriotic Front, (whose colour was green), to avoid reprisals. They were thus depicted as “green on the outside, but red on the inside”.

Such expressions show the ingenuity and humour with which citizens evade despotism and exercise their democratic rights. They also show how much researchers and journalists miss when they don’t pay attention to African ideas and concepts. Thus, the best reason to read this dictionary is to learn about the political ingenuity of African citizens and to gain insights into local political ideas and frames of reference.

The dictionary is also about much more than that. It includes one of the most thorough timelines of African political events ever compiled, with direct links to entries that put critical events into context. It also provides useful overviews of the topics that are of most interest to students. These range from from HIV/Aids to gender quotas, and from the anti-apartheid struggle to the Rwandan genocide.

Our hope is that it does justice to the efforts of the many people who took time to send in the suggestions that have enriched it, and that everyone who takes a look learns something new.The Conversation

Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham; Eloïse Bertrand, PhD Student in Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, and Sa’eed Husaini, DPhil Candidate, University of Oxford

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The exception: behind Senegal’s history of stability

Senegal developed a diplomatic tradition after gaining independence from France. A.RICARDO/Shutterstock Mara Leichtman, Michigan State University

Senegal’s elections have been peaceful and the incumbent president, Macky Sall, has been reelected. For many this comes as no surprise. Senegal has long been a stable democracy in a region plagued by military coups, civil wars and ethnic conflicts. It’s been considered an “exception” in West Africa.

Markers of this stability have been visible since Senegal’s independence from France in 1960. There was a [peaceful and democratic] transition of power from colonial rule and Leopold Sedar Senghor, Senegal’s first president, established a solid democratic foundation. He voluntarily resigned after 20 years in power.

Since then Senegal has had free elections, peaceful transitions of power, and civilian rule.

One of the foundations of Senegal’s stability is the strong influence of Sufi Islam. Senegal is 94% Muslim and Sufi Islam dominates culturally, economically, and sometimes politically.

Sufis – Islamic mystics – seek divine love and knowledge through self-discipline. Senegal’s Sufis fall under one of the Sunni Muslim schools of jurisprudence.

My insights about the interplay between various Islamic groups, religion and the state is based on my research in the country over the past 20 years. I examined minority Shi’i Islamic communities in Senegal, a majority Sunni Muslim country that has long celebrated religious freedom. The coexistence of various religious groups in Senegal is just one factor that has contributed to peace in the country.

Aside from its religious dynamics, Senegal also has a long history of fostering global intellectual, diplomatic, and financial connections. These have all led to its “exceptional” stability.

Sufi Islam

To explain the foundation of Senegalese stability, the late Irish political scientist Donal Cruise O’Brien put forward a “social contract” theory. The contract, he argued, was between marabout (Sufi Islamic leader) and talibe (disciple), as well as between the marabouts and the state.

Senegalese historian Mamadou Diouf revisited this thesis in 2013. He touted Sufi Islam as an “antidote to political Islam”. This was particularly true, Diouf argued, of the Senegalese model of pluralism, cooperation, coexistence, and tolerance.

But there have been other factors that have contributed to Senegal’s stability.

Diplomatic tradition

French colonialism positioned Senegal as a port of entry into West Africa. And while Senegal continues to maintain strong ties to Europe and the US it has fostered important relations with the Middle East and Asia.

Senegal is officially a Francophone country. In addition to speaking various African languages, many Senegalese are also Arabophone – intellectually as well as linguistically.

The country developed a diplomatic tradition after gaining independence from France. It joined the United Nations in 1960, the Organisation of African Unity (now the African Union) in 1963 and the Non-Aligned Movement in 1964.

Significantly, Senegal is the only African country to have hosted the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (renamed the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) Summit twice – in [1991]and2008.

Senegal smartly used the opportunity of hosting these Islamic summits to attract significant Arab funding for infrastructural development. For example, it receives the largest amount of loans given by the Kuwait Fund to any African country. Today, Gulf aid has displaced Western development funds in Senegal.

Senegal is also a West African financial centre. It has taken leadership roles in the Islamic Development Bank and was the first African country to embrace Islamic finance.

While these global religious, intellectual, diplomatic, and financial connections have contributed to Senegal’s stability, it has experienced periods of instability too.

Not all plain sailing

The relationship between the state and Sufi Islamic leaders has sometimes been controversial. And the state has also had conflicts with the young people who make up roughly 60% of the population.

One example of instability was before Senegal’s contentious 2012 presidential elections. The incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade wanted to secure a third term by changing the constitution. The movement “Y’en a Marre” (Enough is Enough) mobilised the youth vote and organised political protests, which disrupted the country for weeks.

Policy commentators first suggested the events might insinuate that Senegal’s record of democracy had been weakened. But Wade eventually conceded peacefully to Macky Sall after a run-off election.

Some are concerned that more instability might be looming.

Last month Sall won re-election. Some analyists credit his victory to economic growth (7.2% in 2018), infrastructural projects and the recent discovery of offshore oil and gas.

But he has strong critics. His crackdown on corruption has been used politically to eliminate his biggest competitors. And he has been criticised for exiling Karim Wade, son of Abdoulaye Wade, from Senegal and imprisoning Dakar’s former mayor Khalifa Sall.

Nevertheless, Senegal looks good in relation to other African countries. Think of the recent elections in Nigeria; Kenya’s repeated 2017 elections; the 2016 Gambian elections, when President Adama Barrow had to be sworn in from Senegal; or the violent post-election conflict in Ivory Coast in 2010 and 2011.

Lessons

Senegal is important for Africa because it provides an example of a country that can help shift the narrative of the continent as an “arc of instability.”.

For example, while Sufi Islam is the dominant religious practice in Senegal, religious minorities have long been accepted and given the freedom to practice their religion.

But I am concerned by recent reports in Western media that portray the African continent as another sphere for the Saudi Arabia-Iran rivalry to play out by disseminating Sunni-Shi‘i sectarianism in Senegal and Nigeria.

There are tensions between the minority Salafi and Shi‘i movements. But it is inaccurate to suggest that West Africa has fallen victim to Gulf power politics and has no religious agency of its own.

So far Senegalese have pushed back against suggestions that the country is becoming more radicalised by promoting Sufi Islam as an Islam of peace. Despite the growth of minority Islamic movements, the majority of Senegalese are likely to adamantly remain proud Sufis.The Conversation

Mara Leichtman, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Muslim Studies, Michigan State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Pakistan National charged for forging immigration documents

BY PRUDENCE WANZA – A Pakistan national has been fined a total of Ksh. 450,000 or face six months imprisonment for forging immigration documents.

Appearing before Chief Magistrate Francis Andayi, at the Milimani Law  courts, the foreigner pleaded guilty to using fake stamps to forge Crucial immigration documents and staying in Kenya illegally. 

The man was arrested by immigration department officers stationed at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport while trying to flee from the country with fake documents. He will be detained at Industrial Area Prisons


France supports Kenya’s regional integration agenda

President Emmanuel Macron said France supports the regional integration agenda championed by President Uhuru Kenyatta and other regional leaders.

Speaking when President Kenyatta hosted a State Banquet in honour of the French leader, who is in Kenya for the first State Visit by a French Head of State, President Macron said he believes in the Kenyan leader’s vision for a fully integrated Eastern Africa.

The two Presidents were also joined by President Felix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo during the dinner held inside the historic Karura Forest, the only indigenous forest in the middle of a city.

“We do believe in your strategy of building a new vision to bring peace and stability not only for Kenya but for the whole region,” said President Macron in his speech. “I want France to be part of your regional agenda. You are a champion of regional integration and we support you,” he added.

He said the EAC is one of the most integrated regions in the world and that France supports the agenda to achieve full integration in the region. 

President Macron also encouraged the new DRC President to embrace the integration agenda.

“What you want to build for East Africa and Central Africa is feasible,” President Macron said.

He said Kenya is a world leader and a reference for many nations in various fields including innovation, environment, scientific research and support for humanitarian efforts.

President Macron said France wants to strengthen its partnership with Kenya, noting that in the past the French business community has been more perceptive than the French government in its relations with Kenya.

He said Kenya and France have already signed deals worth more than three billion Euros during his visit.

Earlier in the day, President Kenyatta and President Macron launched a Peugeot car assembled in Kenya targeting the Kenyan and regional markets.

The two Presidents also toured the Nairobi Central Railway Station and spoke on the planned construction of a commuter rail line that will connect the Nairobi Central Business District and the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. The rail system will be built in partnership with a French Consortium and is expected to be completed in two years.

President Kenyatta said Macron’s visit was historic since it is the first by a French President to Kenya.

He said Kenya and France share world views and are increasing their partnership in development as well as security.

President Kenyatta said France is a key trading partner of Kenya and encouraged business communities in both countries to strengthen their ties to create a sustainable trading environment.

He thanked the French government for its support towards Kenya’s development agenda especially the Big Four Agenda.

President Kenyatta also urged more French tourists to visit Kenya and enjoy its unique tourism products.

“This visit will give our nations new areas of cooperation,” said President Kenyatta.

While speaking about the venue of the dinner, President Kenyatta paid tribute to Nobel Laureate Prof Wangari Maathai who is credited for the continued existence of Karura Forest thanks to her brave fight to save the environment.

“I am happy to host you at this sanctuary we call Karura forest. It is the only indigenous forest in any capital city anywhere,” said the President.

He said it is because of the power, voice and bravery of Prof Maathai that Karura Forest still stands inside the city of Nairobi.

The dinner was attended by Kenyan and French dignitaries. Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga was among the Kenyan guests at the dinner. The delegation accompanying President Macron included three ministers, six parliamentarians and representatives of major French companies.

Uhuru says JKIA-CBD rail line should be ready in two years

President Uhuru Kenyatta announced a commuter rail line that will connect the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and the Central Business District should be ready in two years time.

Speaking after touring the Nairobi Central Railway Station in the company of French President Emmanuel Macron, President Kenyatta said bureaucracy and Government red-tape should not delay the project.

The Nairobi Airport Line is aimed at easing movement between the city centre and JKIA, East and Central Africa’s biggest airport and transport hub.

He said officials should fast track agreements so that the project is completed within the next two years.

The commuter rail project will be implemented in partnership with a French Consortium.

President Kenyatta said the commuter rail and Rapid Bus Transit system planned for the city will support the government’s focus on decongesting the Nairobi Metropolis and, once completed, will greatly reduce travel time between JKIA and the city centre.

“A properly functioning urban commuter rail system and Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) in our cities and particularly here in Nairobi will completely transform the lives of millions of urban dwellers as well as make Nairobi a wonderful experience for tourists and visitors,” said the President.

Launch of the JKIA – CBD rail line at Nairobi Rail Line

He said the Government has prioritised the development of the urban commuter rail and the BRT to reduce traffic congestions and boost the economy of the city.

“Our target is to have 500,000 urban commuters moving freely daily within the next 12 months. This number will grow to over a million commuters daily within the next five years,” said the President.

The Head of State thanked the French partnership in the development of the commuter rail, saying that Kenya becomes stronger when it diversifies its partners.

Besides the link between the city and the airport, the government has already embarked on a refurbishment of the whole commuter rail system in the city.

Commuter trains at Makadara Train Station

As part of this commuter railway improvement, the Government has approved KSh 10 billion for the rehabilitation of four existing lines with the heaviest passenger-carrying potential. These are Nairobi Central Station to Ruiru; Nairobi Central Station to Embakasi Village; Nairobi Central Station to Kikuyu; and Nairobi Central Station to Kitengela.

The investment also provides for the acquisition of refurbished Diesel Multiple Units (DMU’s) and the rehabilitation of the meter gauge railway network and the development of new stations as well as the building a public transport network that straddles from Ruiru to Athi River.

On his part, President Macron said the French Consortium will play its part in providing a mobility solution for Nairobi.

President Uhuru Kenyatta and France president Emmanuel Macron at State House

President Macron, who is in Kenya for the first State visit by a French President said he was happy with the increasing partnership between Kenya and France. He said it was an indication of the future of Africa, which he said is led by innovation and is not relying on the beaten paths in terms of achieving development.

The French leader said France will deepen its partnership with Kenya in security, health and education.

He said Kenya and France will sign deals worth three billion Euros during his visit.

Transport Cabinet Secretary James Macharia also spoke at the function.

Uhuru and French President Macron unveil locally assembled Peugeot car

President Uhuru Kenyatta and French President Emmanuel Macron unveiled the Peugeot 3008, one of the models locally assembled in Kenya by French vehicle manufacturer, PSA Groupe, in a move geared towards boosting Kenya’s manufacturing sector.

Addressing the press at State House, Nairobi, after unveiling the new model of Peugeot, President Kenyatta reiterated his call on all state entities to buy and use locally assembled vehicles and spare parts.

“This policy directive is intended to promote our agenda on manufacturing, creating good jobs for our people, and enhancing technology transfer to our country,” President Kenyatta said during the ceremony that was also attended by Deputy President William Ruto and several cabinet secretaries.

The President emphasized that as part of his administration’s efforts to build a better Kenya with shared prosperity for all under the Big 4 Agenda, manufacturing has been prioritized as one of the critical sectors for wealth and employment creation.

“As part of our agenda to promote manufacturing, my Administration is prioritizing motor vehicle assembly and manufacturing of spare parts,” President Kenyatta pointed out, saying that was the reason why the PSA Groupe, the second largest car manufacturer in Europe, was encouraged to set up their assembly plant in Kenya.

The 1600cc twin turbo SUV is one of Peugeot’s most advanced vehicle models assembled at the Kenya Vehicle Manufacturers (KVM) assembly plant in Thika.

President Kenyatta noted that the Peugeot 3008 is a high-performance vehicle with great fuel consumption and lowest emission in its class.

“It is also a hardy vehicle, having been tested in several parts of Kenya,” President Kenyatta said.

The assembling of Peugeot 3008 SUV commenced in September 2017. Two additional models, the Peugeot 2008 SUV and Peugeot 308SW, are envisaged to commence in April and September 2019.

By the end of this year, the PSA Groupe is expected to assemble at least 1,000 vehicles in Kenya, up from the current 480 vehicles.

President Kenyatta said it was encouraging to note that when the KVM plant is fully operational, the PSA Groupe hopes to assemble at least 15,000 vehicles annually in Kenya for both the local and regional markets.

President Macron assured that France is committed to working together with Kenya in several areas of mutual interest among them trade, investment, infrastructure, security and counter terrorism activities.

“We work very well together but we want to increase the cooperation with Kenya and the region from a security and defense point of view,” President Macron said.

“We do believe that our companies and our investors can be part of the growth strategy of your country by providing not just cars but employment in your country for your people,” President Macron added.

President Kenyatta praised the historic visit by President Macron, the first to Kenya by a French President.

“Mr. President, your visit signals our shared commitment to foster our bilateral relations and engagements within the region in various ways which will deepen, expand and strengthen our bonds of friendship and cooperation for the mutual benefit of our peoples,” President Kenyatta said.

The Kenyan leader observed that France continued to be one of the most important contributors to Kenya’s tourism sector and expressed optimism that the visit by President Macron will help increase the number of French tourists visiting Kenya.

President Macron is accompanied on his two-day state visit by a large group of businessmen and investors who will be meeting with some of the key government agencies and the private sector players in Kenya to explore opportunities for investment.

“This is good for Kenya and for our development. Today, France is our 17th largest trading partner; my expectation is that France will grow into an even more important trading partner for Kenya as a result of this visit,” President Kenyatta said.

Earlier, President Macron was accorded an elaborate state reception complete with a 21-gun salute when he arrived at State House, Nairobi, on the historic visit geared towards boosting Kenya-France cooperation.

The 21-gun salute, a ceremony reserved for Heads of State and Government, was followed by the national anthems of Kenya and France played by the Kenya Army band.

Thereafter, President Macron inspected a colourful guard of honour mounted by a detachment of the Kenya Army before joining President Kenyatta for a tête-à-tête that was followed by bilateral talks.

The bilateral talks culminated in the signing of the Partnership Agreement on Promotion and Exchange of Skills and Talents, and the Agreement on the Roadmap on University, Innovation, Research and Professional Training.

Other two instruments signed were the Statement of Intent for French Development Agency (ADF) support in the education sector and the Statement of Intent to pursue an MOU concerning development of strategic infrastructure priority projects in Kenya.

Who is the New Inspector General?

The new nominee for the position of Inspector General, National Police Service is Hillary Nzioki Mutyambai.

He is a carrier policeman who was enlisted in the then Kenya Police Force in 1991 and rose in ranks to the rank of Superintendent of Police before joining the then Directorate of Security Intelligence that was a department within the Kenya police Force in 1998. Mutyambai’s rise in ranks continued in the new intelligence outfit and saw him rise to the top management of the National Intelligence Service where he was a Deputy Director in charge of Counter Terrorism.


As the deputy Director incharge of countering Terrorism, the new IG used to work closely with the NPS formations and the Military units in mounting intricate CT operations that have seen the country experience a downward trend in incidents of terror and several disruptions of planned attacks.


The new Inspector General holds a Bachelor’s degree from the University of Nairobi and a Master’s of Arts degree in National Security Policy from the Australian National University. Interestingly this is the same University the out-going IG acquired his Master’s degree as well.
Hilary Mutyambai comes to the helm of NPS with a vast of professional training and experience in the area of counter terrorism a skill that the National Police Service requires given the prevailing threat environment of terrorism.

FILE | Australian National University, where both Boinnet and Hillary studied.

The new appointee has had several professional training both locally and abroad . They include

  • Counterterrorism Training – In New Orleans, United States of America
  • Operational Management – United Kingdom
  • Advanced Security Analysis – United States of America
  • Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism- Israel
  • Locally the new IG has attended several senior management training programs that include:
  • Performance Management at the Kenya School of Government
  • Senior Management – Kenya School of Government
  • Detection and Prevention of Frauds and Forgeries – at the Kenya School Of Revenue Administration

His professionalism in counter terrorism came in handy during the 14 Riverside terror attack. He was the unseen force that was coordinating the rescue operations that saw over 700 Kenyans safely rescued from the siege and the attackers neutralized.
Prior to becoming Deputy Director of Counter Terrorism Police Unit, Mutyambai served as the Regional Intelligence Coordinator, Nairobi County, Regional Intelligence Coordinator, Coast Region and County Intelligence Coordinator in Mombasa.


The new Inspector General also served in the Kenya’s Foreign Service in the Kenya High Commission in Kampala Uganda as a Political Attaché from the year 2000 to 2004.

Guns, snares and bulldozers: new map reveals hotspots for harm to wildlife

Human activity threatens many species across Africa’s savannahs. Paul Mulondo/WCS, Author provided James Allan, The University of Queensland; Christopher O’Bryan, The University of Queensland, and James Watson, The University of Queensland

The biggest killers of wildlife globally are unsustainable hunting and harvesting, and the conversion of huge swathes of natural habitat into farms, housing estates, roads and other industrial activities. There is little doubt that these threats are driving the current mass extinction crisis.

Yet our understanding of where these threats overlap with the locations of sensitive species has been poor. This limits our ability to target conservation efforts to the most important places.


Read more: Earth’s wilderness is vanishing, and just a handful of nations can save it


In our new study, published today in Plos Biology, we mapped 15 of the most harmful human threats – including hunting and land clearing – within the locations of 5,457 threatened mammals, birds and amphibians globally.

We found that 1,237 species – a quarter of those assessed – are impacted by threats that cover more than 90% of their distributions. These species include many large, charismatic mammals such as lions and elephants. Most concerningly of all, we identified 395 species that are impacted by threats across 100% of their range.

Mapping the risks

We only mapped threats within a species location if those threats are known to specifically endanger that species. For example, the African lion is threatened by urbanisation, hunting and trapping, so we only quantified the overlap of those specific hazards for this species.

This allowed us to determine the parts of a species’ home range that are impacted by threats and, conversely, the parts that are free of threats and therefore serve as refuges.

We could then identify global hotspots of human impacts on threatened species, as well as “coolspots” where species are largely threat-free.

The fact that so many species face threats across almost all of their range has grave consequences. These species are likely to continue to decline and possibly die out in the impacted parts of their ranges. Completely impacted species certainly face extinction without targeted conservation action.

Conversely, we found more than 1,000 species that were not impacted by human threats at all. Although this is positive news, it is important to note that we have not mapped every possible threat, so our results likely underestimate the true impact. For example, we didn’t account for diseases, which are a major threat to amphibians, or climate change, which is a major threat to virtually all species.

Hotspots and coolspots

We produced the first global map of human impacts on threatened species by combining the parts of each species range that are exposed to threats. The overwhelmingly dominant global hotspot for human impacts on threatened species is Southeast Asia.

This region contains the top five countries with the most threats to species. These include Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, Indonesia and Myanmar.

The most impacted ecosystems include mangroves and tropical forests, which concerningly are home to the greatest diversity of life on Earth.

Hotspots of threats and threatened species richness. Allan et al. Plos Biol., Author provided

We also created a global map of coolspots by combining the parts of species ranges that are free from human threats. This map identifies the last vestiges of wild places where threatened species have shelter from the ravages of guns, snares and bulldozers. As such, these are crucial conservation strongholds.

Coolspots include parts of the Amazon rainforest, the Andes, the eastern Himalayas, and the forests of Liberia in West Africa.

In many places, coolspots are located near hotspots. This makes sense because in species-rich areas it is likely that many animals are impacted whereas many others are not, due to their varying sensitivity to different threats.

Coolspots of unimpacted species richness. Allan et al. Plos Biol., Author provided

What next?

There is room for optimism because all the threats we map can be stopped by conservation action. But we need to make sure this action is directed to priority areas, and that it has enough financial and political support.

An obvious first step is to secure threat-free refuges for particular species, via actions such as protected areas, which are paramount for their survival.


Read more: An end to endings: how to stop more Australian species going extinct


To ensure the survival of highly impacted species with little or no access to refuges, “active threat management” is needed to open enough viable habitat for them to survive. For example, tiger numbers in Nepal have doubled since 2009, mainly as a result of targeted anti-poaching efforts.

Tackling threats and protecting refuges are complementary approaches that will be most effective if carried out simultaneously. Our study provides information that can help guide these efforts and help to make national and global conservation plans as successful as possible.


The authors acknowledge the contributions of Hugh Possingham, Oscar Venter, Moreno Di Marco and Scott Consaul Atkinson to the research on which this article is based.The Conversation

James Allan, Postdoctoral research fellow, School of Biological Sciences, The University of Queensland; Christopher O’Bryan, PhD Candidate, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, The University of Queensland, and James Watson, Professor, The University of Queensland

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Why the latest peace deal in South Sudan won’t hold

It will be difficult to make the current peace agreement stick in South Sudan. Mohamed Messara/EPA Andrew Edward Tchie, University of Essex

South Sudan plunged into conflict in 2013 after President Salva Kiir accused his deputy Riek Machar of an attempted coup d’etat. After five years in which regional powers sought ways to end the stalemate, Kiir and Machar signed the latest in a series of power-sharing peace agreements.

The rivals have agreed to form a transitional government of national unity. Machar – who initially fled the country in 2016 – will be reinstated as first vice president. He will serve alongside four other vice presidents and a reconstituted transitional government is set to be established in May 2019.

However, serious questions remain over the new agreement’s chances of success. Dubbed, the “revitalised agreement” the pact is simply a recycling of the 2015 peace deal which promised an end to the conflict that has displaced one-third of the population.

The current agreement has less accountability mechanisms, limited provisions for disarmament and demobilisation of armed groups, and no reintegration plan. In addition, there are no penalties for those who do not comply. But most importantly, the agreement does not address the power sharing wrangles within the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, which i the root cause of the conflict.

Two days after the agreement was signed fighting continued and violence returned to parts of South Sudan. Despite the ceasefire, the government launched attacks on the militant National Salvation Front in central and western Equatoria where humanitarian workers have been attacked.

Successive ceasefires since the 2013 conflict have been violated by all sides. In December 2017, for instance, a peace deal collapsed shortly after signing with Machar’s opposition forces claimed that the government broke the ceasefire. The government claimed that the rebels attacked first.

If the country’s recent history is anything to go by, the revitalised agreement is likely to suffer the same fate as previous peace deals, all of which have failed.

South Sudan’s ruling elites have spent decades declaring war and making peace. If concrete steps aren’t taken to achieve the latest agreement, then the country will once again descend into anarchy.

Why deal will fail

It will be difficult to make the agreement stick given the environment in South Sudan, a country which has become the most dangerous for humanitarian air works.

One of the reasons is that the military and political elites in the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) have developed a taste for amassing wealth through lucrative government posts.

They are able to do this because SPLM has absolute control over the executive and legislative arms of government. This excludes Machar and his SPLM-In Opposition wing from making national decisions and accessing state resources.

South Sudan timeline.

In addition, the agreement doesn’t fully address the emergence and complexity of new rebel groups. Eighteen large groups have emerged since the conflict started in 2013. Unless a single dominant group emerges, it will be only a matter of time before fighting breaks out again.

Conflict Parties in South Sudan.

Then there is the question of implementation. The revitalised agreement promises the creation of a new “national army” within eight months. But it says nothing about how this army will be created. While both Kiir and Machar agree in principle that Sudan should be one fighting force, they don’t agree on how the new army will be constituted.

Various ideas have been floated. One includes a proposal by the Army Chief of Staff, Paul Malong, to disband the existing army and reconstitute it based on ethnic and community representation. But as things stand there is still no road map to a new army.

The most recent agreement also says that national elections must take place after a three-year transitional period. Pushing for elections could further displace civilians and speed up the use of violence against civilians as parties compete for votes. Despite this possibility the agreement doesn’t provide for a peacekeeping mechanism to prevent violence during the transition.

Another thing standing in the way of peace is foreign interference. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni have a history of supporting opposing sides in South Sudan’s conflict.

A recent report found that despite a UN arms embargo on South Sudan, weapons are still making their way into the country via Uganda. President al-Bashir, on the other hand, has been known to support many of Machar’s rebel generals. At the heart of this external push and pull is the desire to access South Sudan’s vast oil wealth.

South Sudan’s vast oil reserves also fuel ethnic tensions. Ethnic divisions continue to be an obstacle to a lasting peace. As long as peace deals like this one are more focused on power sharing rather than the equitable distribution of resources to all ethnic groups they will continue to fail.

Finally, there are no monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place to hold the government of national unity in check. The agreement leaves it up to the parties to self-monitor. This makes it harder for the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to support the ceasefire. IGAD is an eight-country African trade bloc that provides a strategic and integrated framework for regional cooperation. It comprises the governments of Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Uganda.

Path to success

For the agreement to succeed the government and its partners must adopt a strategy that will improve the social economic status of the country and support the creation of sustainable peace at the same time. This will require support from the international community to prevent fragmentation of society, provide stability for the election period, and strengthen external monitoring mechanisms.

The international community, particularly the US, can also offer technical support for local structures, rebuild local institutions, and support social cohesion in the long term. This would include helping South Sudan to diversify its economy away from a dependency on oil.

Creating a new national army and recasting former rebel groups as bona fide military forces as the South Sudan People’s Defence Forces, while neglecting to address ethnic tensions, divided loyalties, and entrenched hostility will not pave a clear pathway to peace.

To give peace a chance, the government must acknowledge its support of mercenaries who contributed to the violence. It must also take steps to address the historical grievances of the people of South Sudan.The Conversation

Andrew Edward Tchie, Editor, Armed Conflict Database; Research Fellow, Conflict, Security and Development at International Institute for Strategic Studies, University of Essex

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How recognising Jesus as a victim of sexual abuse might help shift Catholic culture


The crisis of sexual abuse within the Catholic Church, and the institutional denial and cover up, has left many people of faith shocked by the lack of appropriate response toward survivors.

Archbishop Mark Coleridge of Brisbane, the president of the Australian bishops’ conference, has called for a Copernican revolution on sexual abuse in the church and a shift in Catholic culture so that abuse survivors, not clergy, shape the church response.

In an interview with Crux, published during the recent Vatican summit on sexual abuse, he also compared victims of clergy abuse to Christ crucified.

Unless you see that what’s happened to the abused has happened to Christ and that therefore, they’re Christ crucified in their needs, all the external commands in the world won’t do it.

In our work, Rocio Figueroa Alvear and I have interviewed sexual abuse survivors and show that recognising Jesus as an abuse victim can help them, and help the church to change.


Read more: After Cardinal Pell’s conviction, can a tradition-bound church become more accountable?


Jesus as victim of sexual abuse

There are good theological grounds for recognising a connection between Christ and those who have been subjected to abuse. The words of Jesus in Matthew 25:31-46 say that what is done to others is also done to Christ, and this has been explored in the work of Beth Crisp.

In Matthew 25, and presumably in the words of Archbishop Coleridge, this connection is at a theological or metaphorical level. But recent work has offered a strong argument to go beyond the theological connection and to see a more literal historical connection. In my own work, and writings by Elaine Heath, Rev Wil Gafney and Australian theologian Rev Michael Trainor, it is argued that Jesus does not just share theologically in the abuse, but that he himself experienced sexual abuse during the crucifixion.

This may seem outlandish at first. When Katie Edwards and I wrote on stripping as sexual abuse, many comments showed readers were perplexed that we could be seriously suggesting this. For many people, the initial reaction is to be startled and shocked. Some ask whether it is meant to be a serious suggestion, or say it is just jumping on a #MeToo bandwagon. However, as Linda Woodhead points out, if you look at it more closely you may start to think differently.


Read more: #HimToo – why Jesus should be recognised as a victim of sexual violence


Crucifixion, state terror and sexual abuse

The torture practices of military regimes in Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s offer two key lessons for understanding crucifixion. First, the torture was a way for the military authorities to send a message to a much wider audience. Anyone who opposed the military would know what to expect.

Second, sexual violence was extremely common in torture practices. Sexual violence was a very powerful way to physically and psychologically attack a victim and his or her dignity. Sexual humiliation and shaming victims could destroy their sense of self and stigmatise them in the eyes of others.

The use of crucifixion by the Romans fits with both of these. Crucifixion was a form of state terror which threatened and intimidated many more people than the victims themselves. The way that prisoners were stripped and crucified naked was an obvious way to humiliate and degrade them, and should be recognised as a form of sexual abuse.

Interviews with survivors

In research published this month, we interviewed a small group of Peruvian middle-aged male survivors of clergy abuse on how they respond to the historical argument that Jesus was a victim of sexual abuse. We had interviewed this group before on how the sexual abuse they had experienced when they were teenagers and young men had impacted on their lives.

In these new interviews, we asked if they had considered Jesus as a victim of sexual abuse and how they viewed the historical and biblical evidence for it. We also asked if any such recognition could be helpful for them and other abuse survivors, or the wider church.

Most interviewees were initially surprised by the idea, but saw no problem in accepting the historical evidence and argument. Only one participant initially said that not enough evidence was presented to show it was sexual abuse but he later explained that he saw Jesus’ nakedness as a form of complete powerlessness.

Participants were evenly split on the question whether it would help them. About half felt it would not but the other half spoke positively of the connection it created between Jesus and survivors.

On the significance for the wider church, all of the participants agreed, without hesitation, that it would have a positive impact. All of them suggested that church ministries, clergy and lay, should embrace this topic.

They felt it would help the church to achieve more solidarity with survivors, and also, a more realistic and historic vision of Jesus. If the wider Church embraced this history and deepened it theologically, it might help towards changes in the church which prioritise survivors, and ensure they are treated with more compassion and solidarity. If the church is seeking a Copernican revolution on sexual abuse, recognising the experience of Jesus for what it was is surely an appropriate starting place.


Read more: Triggering past trauma: how to take care of yourself if you’re affected by the Pell news The Conversation


David Tombs, Chair professor, University of Otago

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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