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Tuesday, October 14, 2025
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Justice Fatuma admits failure of the Judiciary to fight corruption

COURT of Appeal Judge Justice Fatuma Sichale has admitted that the judiciary is the weak link in the fight against corruption.
Sichale said some judges have been a let down to taxpayers in as far as dispensation of justice and said time to pull up their socks had come.

“We hear the wailing from Wanjiku on a daily basis. We must all change the way we do things in order to dispense justice and win back public confidence”; Justice Sichale said.

She was speaking during the Induction of Board Members at the lLake Naivasha Resort.
Sichale however said majority of the judges are executing their duties well and urged Kenyans not to blame the judiciary as a whole.
She also added that it was a right of every Kenyan to receive timely judgements and decried delays in dispensing judgements.

Supreme court heads set to roll as JSC probes graft allegations

The Judicial Service Commision is to probe graft allegations against the Supreme Court made by Senior Counsel Ahmed Nassir Abdulahi.

The graft allegations were made after the apex court dismissed a ruling by the Court of Appeal that had dismissed the election of Governor Nadhif.

Nassir has sensationally claimed that some Supreme Court Judges had ‘took bribes’.

On 21st February 2019, Nchogu, Omwanza& Nyasimi advocates wrote to CJ Maraga giving a notice to formally complain about the graft allegations. In a swift rejoinder, the CJ refered the matter to the JSC.

In the past, Supreme Court Judges have been accused of engaging in graft. Already, Deputy CJ Phelomena Mwilu is on the spotlight over graft.

Mwilu was arrested amid high drama at the Supreme Court cases by the DCI Director George Kinoti.

Neo-Colonial ills against Turkana people ‘ending’

The opportunity to correct the almost neo-colonial ills against Turkana County residents previously disinherited of their birth right via a skewed contractual agreement between them and African Camp Solutions (ACS) is here…

ACS had leased out vast land in Turkana for the provision of frontier support services to companies exploring for oil in Northern Kenya for more than a decade. Through a clever web of influential political and community leaders, ACS through its Nanyuki based point man, Mr David Walker (no stranger to controversies) secured the rights and lease of more than 500 acres of land.

This, rather opaque deal is potentially valued at more than Kshs 3billion to ostensibly deploy and manage large and small, fixed and temporary camps that would enable ACS clients to overcome the difficulties of operating in remote areas where the logistical challenges are great.

The ACS deal signed in the late 90s was to provide an integrated package for oil firms, including accommodation, catering, logistical support, air support, boats, medical care, security and liaison with local people.

Sadly, the ACS lease in Turkana has never provided full value to the community. Accountability on the monies generated, ACS community investments or even grants information have been hard to come by.

Ideally, a decade and more later, the community should reap more by taking over the role played by ACS. In Turkana, for example, Tullow operates from a site referred to as Kapese Integrated Support Base (ISB)…the ISB is operated by ACS which has leased communal land…to ensure that the community benefits, Tullow guests to Kapese ISB pay a fee per bed night to the Trust Fund

KAPESE Trust Fund Trustees are selected by the community and are communally led by Emanman who is very influential. He is what the Turkana call an emuron (diviner). An Emuron is a very important local opinion leader with the power to influence the wider community

The Kapese Trust which already exists, leases out the community land and provides labour to ACS has amassed invaluable knowledge and competence to run the Camps required by Tullow among other clients.

The ACS/Kapese scenario perhaps mirrors the scenario once painted by Environmentalist John Mbaria in his book The Big Conservation Lie. By all means community empowerment should ideally target communities at the forefront of the development agenda with clear transition, after skills transfer.

We ask why can’t this contract be transferred to the Kapese community. That is nothing but good stewardship and community empowerment. Indeed, with the recent signing of a  deed of Trust establishing a charitable trust for the local community in Turkana South and East Sub-Counties, the communities should not be disposed of their resources. The renewal of ACS’s interim land lease agreement by the Turkana County Government is really in bad faith.

“I look forward to Kenya having a female president” Says Uhuru

President Uhuru Kenyatta today said that he looks forward to the day Kenya will have its first female Head of State.

While acknowledging that women are naturally gifted with attributes of servant leadership, the President said some of his best  performing Cabinet Secretaries are women.

“I pray to God and look forward to the day that I shall be sitting and listening to the first female President addressing the people of the Republic of Kenya,” said the Head of State.

“Some of my best ministers are women. Women understand the basis of servant leadership. Women understand that it is dedication to the family and the country that matters,” he continued. 

The Head of State was speaking when he briefly joined First Lady Margaret Kenyatta who hosted over 2000 Girl Guides and their leaders during celebrations to mark this year’s World Thinking Day.

The function held at State House grounds was attended by Cabinet Secretaries for Education Ambassador Amina Mohamed and her Public Service counterpart Prof. Margaret Kobia.

President Kenyatta said Kenyan women, especially the young ones have both a great future and potential. They should always strive to bring out the best qualities in them without allowing to be put down by anybody.

“Nobody should put you down because you are girls on the excuse that you have no capacity,” President Kenyatta told the women and girls adding that leadership in the family and the country does not exist without the full participation of women.

“What really matters is the commitment to the family and the country. I will continue working and supporting the girl child and ensure women take their rightful place in our society called Kenya,” said the Head of State.

The World Thinking Day is celebrated under the auspices of the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts (WAGGGS) across 150 countries in the World.

The Kenya Girl Guides association (KGGA) is a member of the global body that brings together over 10 million Girl Guides and Scouts.

Celebrated since 1926, World Thinking Day is a day of international friendship and gives the girls an opportunity to speak out on issues that affect young women and fundraise for the 10 million Girl Guides and Girl Scouts.

The World Thinking Day also celebrates the birthdays of the late Baden Powell and his wife Olave Powell who were the founders of the Scouts  and the Girl Guides movements respectively.

The remains of the two icons who share a February 22 birthday are buried in Nyeri, Kenya.

First Lady Margaret Kenyatta, who is the patron of the KGGA extolled the virtues of dignity, integrity and servant leadership among the Girl Guides and Girl Scouts.

“I applaud you for standing firm, and holding on to the virtues that this movement has come to be associated with: dignity, integrity, service, leadership and patriotism,” said the First Lady.

The First Lady said she was proud and honoured to be associated with a movement that seeks to raise and empower girls and women to develop to their fullest potential as leaders and citizens of the world.

“We celebrate girls and women who have committed their energy and time to be change agents,” said the First Lady. 

She said the Kenya Girl Guides movement has impacted millions of girls and women in Kenya , indiscriminately drawn from different social backgrounds and brought together for a noble cause of empowerment.

The First Lady said the principles of character building associated with the Girl guides and scouts movement are true gems that guide  the girls for the rest of  their lives.

The occasion also acknowledged and celebrated women who have voluntarily dedicated decades of their time and served diligently, sharing their knowledge and mentoring girls.

“You are our heroes, trailblazers and true inspiration to us all,” said the First Lady.

During the occasion, the First Lady presented various awards to 236 recipients in recognition of their exemplary work in the movement.

The awardees included Guide leaders, Head-teachers of schools, County Girl Guide Commissioners, partners and senior heroes who have distinguished themselves in the service of the country including former Commissioner Ms Honorine Kiplagat and Lady Justice Joyce Aluoch

Other awards recognized exceptional guiding, leadership, peer mentoring, and heroism.

Other speakers at the ceremony included Prof. Kobia, Ambassador Amina Mohammed, the National Council chairperson of the KGGA Prof. Faith Nguru,  Chief Commissioner Jennifer Karina and  WAGGS Vice Chair Ms Jayne Wachira. 

Why embracing indigenous languages could have major benefits for Kenya

Early education based on a child’s mother tongue gives them a head start in their literacy and language learning. Shutterstock Dr Peter Mose, Rhodes University

Kenya is a multilingual country with over 42 different indigenous languages. In addition, foreign languages are used by minorities in major towns and in some learning institutions. The most dominant foreign language is English which is an official language alongside Kiswahili.

Foreign languages – especially English – enjoy the highest positive attitudes in regard to their acquisition and use. To many Kenyans, the perception is that a knowledge of English is a true sign of having good school education.

Kiswahili, the national language, enjoys widespread acceptance and use. It’s an inter-ethnic language of communication and generally it is used as a lingua franca. It is the most common language in Kenyan towns and market centres.

The lowest group of languages in the preference scale is indigenous languages that majority of Kenyans acquire and know well. They are used in homes, in open-air markets across the country, in worship services and to some extent in pre-primary and primary schools as co-languages of teaching.

But perceptions might gradually shift with the inclusion of these indigenous languages in Kenya’s new curriculum. The country’s language-in-education policy states that indigenous languages should be used to teach children from grade one up to three. This policy has been in existence from 1976. But the lack of enforcement means that discussions about the importance of the use of indigenous languages in schools is still hotly debated.

Kenyan language scholars have for decades advocated and written about the role mother tongues should play in the country. The challenge has been that those who champion this approach don’t control public resources. The result is that nothing ever gets done about it.

But that might be about to change with the launch of the competence based curriculum already under implementation in grades one up to three. The new school system places emphasis on developing learner abilities rather than preparing learners to pass national examinations as has been the case. It is an approach that puts the learner at the centre of learning activities and in which mother tongues are likely to assume fresh significance.

The importance of the rebirth of the use of indigenous languages in schools in Kenya cannot be overemphasised. It could have a profound effect on children’s educational outcomes, as well as much broader beneficial effects on the Kenyan society.

The case for mother tongue

Research shows overwhelmingly that mother tongues are the most ideal tools for early child education. In a variety of countries, such as South Africa, Ethiopia, Papua New Guinea, studies indicate that the mother tongue medium is the best for early school education. This is particularly true in sub-Saharan Africa where research has shown that early education based on a child’s mother tongue gives them a head start in their literacy and language learning.

A study conducted in Ethiopia recently, for instance, indicates that pupils who transition to English medium of instruction in grade five perform better in mathematics. The findings corroborate findings in South Africa.

Research findings commissioned by international organisations including UNESCO and World Bank concur that a mother tongue is the best language in early school learning. For instance, UNESCO indicates that mother tongues are the best sociologically, psychologically, and educationally for children entering primary school.

Impact of the new curriculum

Kenya’s new curriculum could boost the use of mother tongues quite significantly.

Firstly, the methodology itself is likely to affect language use. The curriculum is designed to build learner capacities by putting pupils at the centre of learning activities. This implies the use of language to name things, to discuss with the teacher and fellow pupils. Majority of lower primary school pupils usually enter school with their mother tongues and this is the only resource they have to negotiate ideas.

The use of mother tongues to do this makes a great deal of sense. And also suggests that using English at grade one for children in rural and other areas is inappropriate.

Secondly, new various languages have been published to meet the demands of the new curriculum. At Kisii University recently, a publisher launched literacy books in the Ekegusii language, which is the predominant language in both Kisii and Nyamira Counties of western Kenya. Materials for other indigenous languages for use in the new curriculum are being developed.

The publication of literacy materials promises a rebirth of the use of these languages in the school system. This might help preserve many local languages from extinction.

There could be broader benefits to society too.

Firstly, children will have an opportunity to acquire and develop their mother tongues. Very early introduction to second languages is in some cases to blame for the poor language mastery of most young people – they do not know any of the languages they speak competently.

Secondly, it will improve early literacy outcomes in primary schools. Recent research indicates that majority of pupils entering grade four have literacy skills below expectations. Researchers attribute this to premature introduction of pupils, especially from rural areas and informal settlements-into the English medium

Thirdly, the new curriculum provides for the study of indigenous languages as career subjects later on. This implies that learning the languages might be sources of employment like in working as interpreters, book writers, teachers, and as linguists.

Fourth, it will make Kenya a truly multilingual society. Contrary to arguments about many languages breeding tribalism, a country with a multilingual and multicultural ethos is a truly cohesive society; the population grows to appreciate others as different and not as good or bad.

Finally, counties might consider making some indigenous languages as additional official languages in their territories. This might give millions of Kenyans a voice to negotiate development issues. Currently, the use of Kiswahili and English only excludes some people from participating in public affairs specifically in projects that require public participation. This isn’t an optimal state of affairs.The Conversation

Dr Peter Mose, Post-doctoral fellow. Rhodes University, Rhodes University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How young filmmakers are protecting artistic freedom in Kenya

Rafiki was banned from cinemas by the Kenya Film Classification Board for promoting same-sex relationships. Supplied Samson Kaunga Ndanyi, Rhodes College

Artistic freedom was always tenuous in Kenya, but it’s become even less so since Uhuru Kenyatta became president in 2013. The political pendulum has swung against political dissenters, intellectuals and a handful of media institutions that still believed in objective journalism.

Progressive gains made under the previous administration of President Mwai Kibaki(2002-2013), such as the freedom of press and speech, have disintegrated. In particular, Kenyatta and the men overseeing the country’s cultural landscape, have rolled back artistic freedom by banning films that attempted to expand identity or interpreted it differently. The most prominent example is Rafiki, a recent Kenyan film that was banned for “promoting lesbianism”.

Historically, artistic freedom has always been the outcome of struggle. For example, stage actors initiated the first struggle when post-colonial administrations outlawed theatre groups because actors associated themselves with institutions such as the University of Nairobi and Kenya National Theatre (see Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Decolonising the Mind). By and large, the two institutions hosted the most vocal government critics. It became standard procedure for the government to ask theatre groups to submit play scripts for “assessment” before it could issue a performance license.

Officials paid insignificant attention to musicians and film directors as they hardly antagonised the ruling elites and produced non-controversial items. An example was the sycophantic song, Tawala Kenya Tawala (“rule Kenya rule”), composed and produced by Thomas Wasonga. The lyrics exhorted Daniel Arap Moi, Kenya’s second post-colonial president, to rule eternally. Wasonga’s conservative counterparts in the film industry avoided politics, limiting their cinematic gaze to less controversial themes.

The Moi praise song.

Recently, however, a progressive group of young filmmakers has changed the contours informing cinematic themes. Ambitious and daring, they have inspired a national dialogue of what constitutes free speech as encapsulated in the country’s new Constitution, as well as artistic freedom, and individual and societal identity.

Ambitious and daring

Unlike their forebears, young filmmakers are increasingly embracing cinema as an ideal platform on which to construct a pluralistic identity that includes the LGBTQ community. This has offended the government’s sensibility. Consequently, it has brought cinema under heightened scrutiny.

In September 2014, the Nest Collective, a production company that produced The Stories of Our Lives, applied for a license to distribute and exhibit the film. They received a rejection letter from the Kenya Film and Classification Board, a government agency that regulates film content, which claimed that the film had obscenity, explicit scenes of sexual activities and it promotes homosexuality which, is contrary to our national norms and values.

The classification board drew the producer’s attention to a piece of legislation – the Film & Plays Stage Act – that borrows heavily from the colonial government’s The Stage Plays and Cinematography Exhibitions Ordinance, 1912. During the colonial period the ordinance was used to censor Hollywood westerns to shield African audience from undesirable ideas such as kissing, sex, shooting and nudity.

Rather than evoke Kenya’s Constitution – which protects the “freedom to seek, receive or impart information or ideas”, and the “freedom of artistic creativity” – to sue the board, the Nest Collective retreated. It took its case to social media, where, as expected, it died.

Same tactic

‘Rafiri’ director Wanuri Kahiu, with actors Samantha Mugatsia and Sheila Munyiva at the 2018 Cannes Film Festival. EPA/Clemens Bilan

Four years later, classification board officials banned Rafiki in May 2018 because, as they pointed out, it contained,

homosexual scenes that are against the law, the culture and moral values of the Kenyan people.

It warned that anyone found in possession of the film would be in breach of the law in Kenya, where gay sex is punishable by 14 years.

The film’s director, Wanuri Kahiu, sued the Board. She argued in court that the ban violated her constitutional right to free speech and artistic freedom of expression. Kahiu insisted that Kenya is,

made up of different types of people with different imaginations. There should be freedom to express these imaginations, because imagination doesn’t have boundaries.

The country’s high court agreed with her. They lifted the ban for seven days, allowing the film to be screened and become eligible to be submitted as Kenya’s entry for Best Foreign Language Film at the Oscars.

‘Rafiki’s’ trailer.

Random act

The censorship of cultural productions doesn’t happen in a vacuum, nor is it a random act designed to secure imagined norms and values. It is a calculated and premediated act of subjugation and an act of authoritarianism. In the cultural sphere this begins when the ruling class imagines and constructs a national identity that encompasses nonexistent and undefined principles — such as moral values and norms. It then moves to create competing categories of people, “us” versus “them”. Once this is complete, the chips are expected to fall in place.

However, young filmmakers are resisting this path. Resisting it is the only way in which artists can ensure they retain a freer artistic spaces. But that requires acts of courage. As Martin Luther King Jr reminded the world in 1963 from a Birmingham jail:

Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed.

This, exactly, is what Rafiki‘s Kahiu did when she sued the government. It’s what the Nest Collective failed to do. Local artists seeking artistic freedom must follow in Kahiu’s footsteps and peel back the veneer that legitimises censorship.The Conversation

Samson Kaunga Ndanyi, Assistant Professor of African History, Rhodes College

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Shutting down the internet doesn’t work — but governments keep doing it

The Zimbabwean government recently shutdown the internet by ordering mobile companies to withhold mobile data. EPA-EFE/STF George Ogola, University of Central Lancashire

As the internet continues to gain considerable power and agency around the world, many governments have moved to regulate it. And where regulation fails, some states resort to internet shutdowns or deliberate disruptions.

The statistics are staggering. In India alone, there were 154 internet shutdowns between January 2016 and May 2018. This is the most of any country in the world.

But similar shutdowns are becoming common on the African continent. Already in 2019 there have been shutdowns in Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Chad, Sudan and Zimbabwe. Last year there were 21 such shutdowns on the continent. This was the case in Togo, Sierra Leone, Sudan and Ethiopia, among others.

The justifications for such shutdowns are usually relatively predictable. Governments often claim that internet access is blocked in the interest of public security and order. In some instances, however, their reasoning borders on the curious if not downright absurd, like the case of Ethiopia in 2017 and Algeria in 2018 when the internet was shut down apparently to curb cheating in national examinations.

Whatever their reasons, governments have three general approaches to controlling citzens’ access to the web.

How they do it

Internet shutdowns or disruptions usually take three forms. The first and probably the most serious is where the state completely blocks access to the internet on all platforms. It’s arguably the most punitive, with significant social, economic and political costs.

The financial costs can run into millions of dollars for each day the internet is blocked. A Deloitte report on the issue estimates that a country with average connectivity could lose at least 1.9% of its daily GDP for each day all internet services are shut down.

For countries with average to medium level connectivity the loss is 1% of daily GDP, and for countries with average to low connectivity it’s 0.4%. It’s estimated that Ethiopia, for example, could lose up to US$500,000 a day whenever there is a shutdown. These shutdowns, then, damage businesses, discourage investments, and hinder economic growth.

The second way that governments restrict internet access is by applying content blocking techniques. They restrict access to particular sites or applications. This is the most common strategy and it’s usually targeted at social media platforms. The idea is to stop or limit conversations on these platforms.

Online spaces have become the platform for various forms of political expression that many states especially those with authoritarian leanings consider subversive. Governments argue, for example, that social media platforms encourage the spread of rumours which can trigger public unrest.

This was the case in 2016 in Uganda during the country’s presidential elections. The government restricted access to social media, describing the shutdown as a “security measure to avert lies … intended to incite violence and illegal declaration of election results”.

In Zimbabwe, the government blocked social media following demonstrations over an increase in fuel prices. It argued that the January 2019 ban was because the platforms were being “used to coordinate the violence”.

The third strategy, done almost by stealth, is the use of what is generally known as “bandwidth throttling”. In this case telecom operators or internet service providers are forced to lower the quality of their cell signals or internet speed. This makes the internet too slow to use. “Throttling” can also target particular online destinations such as social media sites.

What drives governments

In most cases the desire to control the internet is rooted in governments’ determination to control the political narrative. Many see the internet as an existential threat that must be contained, no matter what consequences it will have on other sectors.

The internet is seen as a threat because it disrupts older forms of government political control, particularly the control of information. The stranglehold on the production and dissemination of information has always been an invaluable political tool for many African governments.

The loss of this control, at a time when the media has brought politics closer to the people, presents governments with a distinctly unsettling reality. Social media, for example, inherently encourages political indiscipline and engenders the production and circulation of alternative political narratives.

In addition, because it is a networked platform, users are simultaneously and instantaneously local and international and are engaged in an information carnival that is difficult to police. Quite often the narratives therein are at variance with the self-preserving and carefully constructed ideologies of the state.

The shutdown trend

The irony, however, is that as these shutdowns continue, even proliferate, there is scant evidence they actually work. Instead, they seem to animate dissent and encourage precisely the kind of responses considered subversive by many governments This has been the case in Burkina Faso and Uganda, for example, where such bans have simply increased the profile of the causes being agitated.

Internet shutdowns don’t stop demonstrations. Nor do they hinder the production and circulation of rumours: they encourage them instead. Many people are also circumventing the shutdowns through the use of virtual private networks (VPNs). These are networks that redirect internet activity to a computer in a different geographical location thus enabling access to sites blocked in one’s own country. VPNS are now par for the course in countries like Zimbabwe.

The future of unfettered internet access in Africa looks precarious should governments continue on this trajectory. The absence in many African countries of enforceable constitutional guarantees that protect the public’s right to information means there are few opportunities for legal redress. This makes the development of legislative regimes that recognise and protect access to the internet both urgent and necessary.The Conversation

George Ogola, Reader in Journalism, University of Central Lancashire

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Kenya Big Four Agenda: Stakeholders Information Pack

At the 54th Jamhuri Day celebrations on the 12th of December 2017, His Excellency the President announced that his final term in office will focus its time and resources on a targeted transformative agenda based on four socio-economic pillars:

– Increase manufacturing share of GDP from 8.4% to 15%
– Ensure 100% Food and Nutrition Security
– Provide 500,000 Affordable Houses to the low income segment
– Provide 100% Universal Health Coverage

Key focus areas for the Big Four Enablers

Infrastructure

Targeted infrastructure investments by expanding the:

  • Feeder roads network (linked to trunk roads) and the rehabilitation of 10,000km of roads
  • Passenger handling capacity and construction of new runways at airports
  • Port infrastructure and facilities
  • Rail infrastructure to link Kenya with the wider East Africa region

Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET)

Youth in jobs through vocational training and education:

  • Re-positioning and strengthening the TVET Education System to support the Big Four pillars
  • Implementing the STEM Education Programme
  • Developing a Labour Market Information System (LMIS) to support labour market actors and stakeholders
  • Establishment of new industrial training centres and implementing the National Internship Program

Power

Stable and competitive cost of power:

  • Increase Kenya electricity generation capacity from 2,699 MW to 5,221 MW
  • Reduce commercial & industrial electricity tariffs
  • Modernize electricity dispatch optimization, favoring low cost plants

Technology and Innovation

  • Digitise land titles and expand e-Government services system
  • Expand the National Fibre Optic infrastructure to cover the entire country
  • Establish National Science Technology & Innovation parks

Security

  • Embark on a ‘Citizen-centric’ police reforms program that supports a 24-hr economy
  • Enhance security infrastructure modernisation and improve staff welfare
  • Improve data management through the Integrated Population Registration System (IPRS) and National Identity Management System (NiM)

Governance

  • Policy measures to address capital flight and government procurement reforms
  • Political & legislative measures to plug revenue leaks at National and County levels
  • Administrative measures to drive transparency and accountability in the public service
  • Fiscal measures to streamline tax breaks and plug revenue leakages in the fiscus
  • Law enforcement measures to strengthen the current anti-corruption campaign

Why invest in Kenya: Kenya’s Strategic Comparative Advantages

  • Kenya falls within the Top-3 Sub-Saharan Africa countries in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business global ranking
  • Kenya is the largest and most advanced economy in East & Central Africa
  • Kenya is strategically located as a gateway to the East and Central Africa
  • Kenya acts as a regional gateway to the wider Africa, Asia and Europe regions
  • Kenya provides political stability & a supportive legal environment
  • Kenya has a large English speaking and well educated labour pool
  • Kenya has a relatively well developed physical infrastructure

Airbus A380: from high-tech marvel to commercial flop

Airbus A380: from high-tech marvel to commercial flop

The final deliveries of the A380 are anticipated for 2021. Mike Fuchslocher/Shutterstock Oihab Allal-Chérif, Neoma Business School

This time it really is over. Airbus chief executive, Tom Enders, recently announced the end of the A380, the largest commercial aircraft ever built. Despite reported investments of more than €14 billion, this iconic European project has not been as successful as was originally hoped. With only 234 units delivered out of 313 ordered over 13 years, it is far from the break-even point – originally estimated at 1,200 aircraft over 20 years. With orders drying up and production already running at a minimum, it was time for Airbus to stop the damage.

Long before its launch date, the A380 appeared to represent the future of Airbus, which anticipated that air traffic would double in the next 20 years. That’s why it is both big – it can carry anywhere from 550 to more than 800 passengers on two full decks – and luxurious, with options such as private rooms, restaurants and bars – even an in-flight casino. Its engines are on average 30% more powerful than those of the Boeing 747 and are worth €13 million each – the value of a ton of gold for all four.

National Geographic dedicated an episode of its series ‘Megastructures’ to the A380.

To keep the overall weight down, the A380’s designers used groundbreaking composite structure, including carbon ribs within aluminium wings. Equipped with the most advanced navigation system in commercial aviation, it can operate for more than 13 hours and fly more than 9,000 miles.

The aircraft is built on a continental scale: the wings are made in Wales, engines are made in England (Rolls Royce) or the US (Engine Alliance), the fuselage and the vertical stabiliser is built in Germany and the horizontal stabiliser in Spain. Final assembly is carried out in France. Each wing weighs 6.5 tons and is composed of tens of thousands of components, carrying the fuel, supporting the fuselage and channelling the power of the engines.

Niche market

If the A380 is undeniably one of the most impressive aircraft of all time, its unique design and distributed production system created numerous technical and coordination problems. The initial launch was delayed 18 months by a range of difficulties, and the ability of airlines to customise the aircraft proved to be an additional source of delays.

While the A380’s first flight – on April 7 2005 – was a success, the market was already changing. Airlines that initially favoured big hubs such as Singapore and Dubai began to offer more direct flights from a significant number of middle-sized airports. The rise of low-cost airlines brought in influential new players and weakening the long-time leaders that had been seen as big prospects for the A380.

Most importantly, the 2008 economic crisis seriously cut into the growth in air traffic. While growth has returned, the market is smaller than expected, making it harder to fill a wide-body aircraft, much less a double-deck one. It is simply not profitable for an airline to have flights with less than 80% of the seats filled. Emirates, which owns half of all operating A380s, has the financial resources to take on this risk, but not other carriers.

It was Airbus’ mimicry of its historic competitor, Boeing, that led to the gap between supply and a considerably evolved demand. While some experts claimed that the A380 was 10 to 20 years ahead of the market, Airbus executives now admit that the plane was 10 years too late. As Enders said when announcing the A380’s demise: “What we are seeing here is the end of the large four-engine aircraft.”

Airbus CEO Tom Enders on the decision to end the A380’s production (AeronewsTV).

With A380 sales lagging, Airbus launched its new mid-size flagship, the A350, in 2014. It and Boeing’s 787 Dreamliner, both of which have only two engines yet can fly great distances, were preferred because they had lower costs and fewer constraints than the A380.

A380 orders started to dry up in 2015 and persistent rumours suggested that the end was near. There were no orders from US carriers, few in Asia and even Air France halved its anticipated A380 fleet. On January 15 2018, John Leahy, Airbus’ chief commercial officer, declared that if Emirates didn’t order at least 30 more A380s, it wouldn’t be possible to keep the program alive. British Airways, which owns a dozen A380s, has suggested that it could acquire others, but only if Airbus was “aggressive on the pricing”. Whatever the result of those discussions, they are unlikely to alter the company’s decision.

An inevitable disaster?

Today, the very design of the A380 is being questioned – that it was in many ways a delusion of grandeur by Airbus, which wanted at all costs to beat the Boeing 747. But its four engines consumed too much fuel, and being able to carry more passengers wasn’t enough to make up the difference. The A380’s immense size and double-deck layout also require airport investments not needed for other airliners.

Without the support of Emirates, which has made the A380 its flagship and is probably the only company that will regret its end, the decision to cease production would have been made a long time ago. Emirates has agreed to convert part of its latest order to A330neo and A350 aircraft, remaining faithful to Airbus. The last delivery is scheduled for 2021 and there will be no new versions brought into service. Meanwhile, the Boeing 747 celebrates 50 years of service – though it too is ending production, marking the end of an era for airline behemoths.

The end of the A380 is not necessarily good news for Boeing: it releases Airbus from a weight that has long prevented it from delivering its full potential. Resources and skills can be better allocated and thousands of workers may be offered jobs on other production lines. If the end of the A380 is a hard blow, the end of the story has yet to be written for Airbus.The Conversation

Oihab Allal-Chérif, Full Professor, Information Systems and Purchasing Management, Neoma Business School

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

President Uhuru mourns Thayu Kamau, prominent Muranga businessman

President Uhuru Kenyatta has sent a message of condolence and encouragement to the family, relatives and friends of Mr. Thayu Kamau Kabugi, a prominent Murang’a businessman who passed on last night.

In his message, the President said the late Kabugi was a strong-willed person who believed in hard work and growing the economy for the benefit of all Kenyans. 

He described the late Kabugi as a true patriot and a nationalist who created job opportunities for many Kenyans through his businesses.

“Indeed, he was a nationalist who believed in hard work and building strong bonds of friendship,” said the President.

The President said Mzee Kabugi, who died aged 94, has left an enduring legacy to all those who were fortunate to interact with him both socially and in business.

“He was exceptional in his commitment to both business and community development as demonstrated by his contribution to several community projects,” said the President.

The Head of State said through his real estate ventures, Mzee Kabugi built several houses giving opportunities to several Kenyans to own homes.

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